The Workers’ Bulletin

Tuesday May 4th, The Workers’ Bulletin

 

Congratulations to the workers of Great Britain! Nothing finer has ever been seen … The stoppage is complete. The wanton brutality of the Government and the coal-owners in their combined endeavour to force a reduction of wages upon the already underpaid miners has met solid resistance of the whole class.

And the gallantry of the printing workers in silencing the lying capitalist press with their last-minute lies, made a splendid prelude to the greatest display of solidarity in British history …

NOT A PENNY OFF THE PAY; NOT A MINUTE ON THE DAY.

AN INJURY TO ONE IS AN INJURY TO ALL.

NO GOVERNMENT HAS THE RIGHT TO ORDER MEN AND WOMEN TO STARVE

 

 

 Wednesday 5th May, this was the Word from the Communist Party:

FIGHTING TO WIN

THE POLITICAL MEANING OF THE GENERAL STRIKE

WORKERS OF BRITAIN!

… LET THE WORKERS ANSWER THE BOSSES’ CHALLENGE WITH A CHALLENGE OF THEIR OWN: “NATIONALISATION OF THE MINES WITHOUT COMPENSATION … UNDER WORKERS’ CONTROL …!”

The first watchwords of the General Strike, therefore, have been and remain:

“All together behind the Miners – Not a Penny off the Pay. Not a Second on the Day!”

The Government in this struggle has dropped all pretence of being above all classes. It made no objection to the coal-owners’ decision to hold the community to ransom … but it delivered an insolent and provocative ultimatum when the Trade Union Congress decided, in the exercise of its undoubted rights, to defend the miners … Ever since the strike began, the Government has welcomed the aid of the capitalist strike-breaking organisations, the O.M.S. and Fascisti …Troops, aeroplanes and battle-ships are being used to overawe the workers, if possible, and to crush the General Strike …

“RESIGNATION OF THE FORGERY GOVERNMENT

– FORMATION OF A LABOUR GOVERNMENT!”

The Communist Party continues to instruct its members and to urge the workers to take every practical step … form a Council of Action immediately … organise able-bodied Trade Unionists in a Workers’ Defence Corps against the O.M.S. and Fascisti … set up feeding arrangements with the Co-operative Societies … hold mass meetings and issue strike bulletins … make their case known to the soldiers.

But the Communist Party warns the workers against the attempts being made to limit the struggle to its previous character of self-defence against the capitalist offensive. Once the battle has been joined, the only way to victory is to push hard and hit hard. And the way to hit the capitalist hardest is for the Councils of Action to throw out the clear instructions

NOT A PENNY OFF THE PAY. NOT A SECOND ON THE DAY!

NATIONALISE THE MINES WITHOUT COMPENSATION,

UNDER WORKERS’ CONTROL!

FORMATION OF A LABOUR GOVERNMENT!

 

 

 

Workers’ Bulletin, May 8,

CONSTITUTIONAL

The anxiety of the British Worker to assure everybody that the strike is a “purely industrial dispute” is pathetic … the Government every hour make more of a political issue out of it.

Their seizure of the stocks of printing paper is not only evidence that they are driven to extremity, but evidence also, that under E.P.A. the “Constitution” is just what the Government choose to make it.

Already there have been, on official showing, over a hundred arrests, and raids and arrests are reported hourly – so also with the movement of troops …

 

Workers’ Bulletin, May 8,

A STRAIGHT ROAD TO VICTORY

We welcome the statement of the General Council … that any preliminary discussions into which the Government may enter with the T.U.C. must be “free from any conditions.”

This means more than they will attempt to call off the strike to enable negotiations to be resumed. It means that there will be nothing more in the nature of that incredible proposal to take the Commission Report as a basis, knowing that this “may involve a reduction in wages” …

 

 

C.P.G.B. May 13

‘Refuse to return to work. Reject the Samuel Memorandum.

Affirm your solidarity with the miners. No wage reductions. No lengthening of hours.’

 

The British Worker

The British Worker

Wednesday 5th May,

MESSAGE TO ALL WORKERS

The General Council of the Trades Union Congress wishes to emphasise the fact that this is an industrial dispute. It expects every member taking part to be exemplary in his conduct and not give any opportunity for police interference. The outbreak of any disturbance would be very damaging for the prospects of a successful termination of the dispute.

The Council asks pickets especially to avoid obstruction and to confine themselves strictly to their legitimate duties.

 

MAGNIFICENT LOYALTY

…On behalf of the Miners’ Federation we express our heartfelt thanks … we have laboured for a peaceful settlement, but the Government, not only by its words, but by its actions, has shown only too plainly that peace is not what it desires.

In insisting that the miners should pledge themselves to accept a reduction in wages before even entering negotiations, advanced an unheard of demand which no body of Trade Unionists could accept.

SUNDAY NIGHT’S BREAK

In suddenly breaking off negotiations with the General Council and the Miners’ Federation on Sunday night, it revealed its determination to force upon the Trade Union movement a struggle for which the Government had long prepared.

It is on the Government, and the Government alone, that the responsibility for the present situation rests …

OFFICIAL T.U.C. STATEMENT

(Given by Mr. POULTON)

All reports we have had today go to show that there is the same solidarity and unanimity as on the first day of the strike. The machine is working in a way that has exceeded our expectations, despite any statements that may be made to the contrary by other parties …

Nothing has yet been decided as to an extension of the strike or the calling out of the ‘second line of defence’ … the unions not included in the first schedule. The matter was at present under consideration.

So far as the electricity supply was concerned, there were difficulties, especially in regard to distribution, and the unions concerned had been asked to formulate a policy in relation to power and light …

The question of extending the stoppage to the Post Office telegraphs and mails had not yet been officially before Council. There had never been anything like such a general closing down of the railways as at present existed. There had been wholesale compliance with the Council’s order by the three railway unions, and resolutions were pouring into the offices from all quarters giving enthusiastic support for the policy of the Council.

Some of the statements issued by the railway companies were, he declared, mere camouflage …

 

The British Worker May 9

 

The workers must not be misled by Mr. Baldwin’s renewed attempt last night to represent the present strike as a political issue.

The trade unions are fighting for one thing only – to protect the miners’ standard of life. The General Council never broke off negotiations. This was done by the Cabinet upon an isolated and unauthorised incident at a most promising stage of the discussions.

The General Council is prepared at any moment to resume those negotiations where they have been left off. It has been urged to do so by the united Churches of the country, led by the Archbishop of Canterbury. But this appeal was withheld from the nation by the Broadcasting Company. Why?

The Prime Minister pleads for justice. He can get justice by going back to the Friday before the mineowners’ lockout notices took effect and recreating the atmosphere of hope which then prevailed.

The Prime Minister pleads for peace, but insists that the General Council is challenging the Constitution. That is untrue.

The General Council does not challenge one rule, law or custom of the Constitution, it asks only that the miners be safeguarded. In the words of the Report itself, no revision of wages should be made until there is an acceptance by all parties of such measures of reorganisation as will secure to the industry a new lease of prosperity leading to higher wages.

 

May 10 The British Worker

ALL’S WELL

We are entering upon the second week of the general stoppage in support of the mineworkers. Nothing could be more wonderful than the magnificent response of millions of workers to the call of their leaders … all ranks are solid … resolute in their determination to resist the unjust attack upon the mining community.

The General Council desire to express their keen appreciation of the loyalty of the Trade Union members … They are especially desirous of commending the workers on their strict obedience to the instruction to avoid all conflict … Their behaviour during the first week of the stoppage is a great example to the whole world.

The General Council’s message at the opening of the second week is:- “Stand Firm. Be Loyal to Instructions and Trust your Leaders.”

 

 

The British Worker May12

GREAT STRIKE TERMINATED

Trades Union General Council General Council satisfied that Miners will get a fair deal.

How Peace Came

Telegrams already sent to all Unions concerned to instruct their Branches at once.

Miners call Delegate Conference

 

 

The British Worker May 12-13

The General Council, through the magnificent support and solidarity of the trade union movement has obtained assurances that a settlement of the mining problem can be secured which justifies them in bringing the general stoppage to an end. Conversations have been proceeding between the General Council representatives and Sir Herbert Samuel … The Government has decided that under no circumstances could negotiations take place until the General Strike had been terminated, but the General Council feel as a result of the conversations with Sir Herbert Samuel and the proposals which are embodied in the correspondence and documents which are enclosed that sufficient assurances have been obtained …

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The British Gazette

Wednesday 5th May the British Gazette:

 

‘…the democratic State cannot possibly submit to sectional dictation. It is bound to defend and assert, no matter at what cost, the national and constitutional authority … a General Strike … is a conflict between Trade Union leaders and Parliament. This victory His Majesty’s Government is definitely resolved to secure.

Ample force to preserve the laws and the life of the nation is at the disposal of the State. But force is not the instrument on which a British Government should rely. We rely on reason, on public opinion, and on the will of the people. In this crisis the organisers of the General Strike have made it their first care to paralyse public opinion by breaking down and muzzling the newspapers …  Nearly all the newspapers have been silenced by violent concerted action. And this great nation, on the whole the strongest community which civilisation can show, is for the moment reduced in this respect to the level of the African natives dependent only on the rumours which are carried from place to place. In a few days, if this were allowed to continue, rumours would poison the air, raise panics and disorders, inflame fears and passions together, and carry us all to depths which no sane man of any party or class would care even to contemplate.

The Government has therefore decided not only to use broad-casting for spreading information, but to bring out a paper of their own on a sufficient scale to carry full and timely news throughout all parts of the country.

The “British Gazette” is run without profit on the authority and, if necessary, at the expense of the Government. It begins necessarily on a small scale, and its first issue cannot exceed 700,000 copies. It is proposed, however, to use the unlimited resources of the State, with the assistance of all loyal persons, to raise the circulation day after day until it provides sure and sufficient means of information and a guide for action for all British citizens.

Thursday May 6 the British Gazette

‘The General Strike is a challenge to Parliament’

‘Constitutional government is being attacked … Stand behind the Government, who are doing their part confident that you will co-operate in the measures they have undertaken to preserve the liberties and privileges of the people of these islands … The general strike is a challenge to Parliament, and is the road to anarchy and ruin.’

 

British Gazette, May 8th, 1926

FROM PRONOUNCEMENT BY LORD GREY of FALLODEN

The General Strike has raised an issue in which the question of miners’ wages is submerged. The issue is now not what the wages of miners shall be, but whether democratic Parliamentary Government is to be overthrown. It is by this democratic Government that liberty has been won and by this alone can it be maintained.

The alternatives are Fascism or Communism. Both of these are hostile and fatal to liberty. Neither of them allow a free press, free speech, or freedom of action, not even the freedom to strike. It may well be that the majority of those who decreed the General Strike did not intend, and do not desire, to overthrow Parliamentary Government, but their action has threatened it …

 

British Gazette, May 8th, 1926

… The people who suffer the least … are the capitalists and the plutocrats. They have at their command the whole apparatus of opulence, and the petty discomforts to which they are exposed are no more than pinpricks, easily endured, rapidly forgotten.

The real victims of a general strike are what is called the common people – the men and women who have to labour hard, day by day for their own livelihood, and that of their children, for whom cheap and regular transport between their homes and work is a prime necessity, and to whom any contraction in the supply or rise in the cost of the necessaries and simpler comforts of life means privation and even want. It is they who in the long run bear the burden and pay the price …

 

 

THE PREMIER BROADCASTS

The British Gazette, May 10th 1926

Mr. Baldwin, The Prime Minister, on Saturday evening, broadcast the following message to the Nation:

“The General Strike has now been in progress for nearly a week, and I think it is right as Prime Minister that I should tell the Nation once more what is at stake in the lamentable struggle that is going on.

There are two distinct issues – the stoppage in the coal industry and the General Strike. The stoppage in the coal industry followed nine months’ enquiry and negotiations. I did my utmost to secure agreement upon the basis of the Commission’s report …

What, then, is the issue for which the Government is fighting? It is fighting because while negotiations were still in progress, the Trade Union Council ordered a General Strike, presumably to try to force and the Community to bend to its will …

With that object, the Trade Union Council has decreed that the railways shall not run, that the unloading of ships shall stop, and that no news shall reach the public. The supply of electricity and the transportation of food supplies to the people has been interrupted.

The Trade Union Council declared that this is merely an industrial dispute, but the method of helping the miners is to attack the community. Can there be a more direct attack upon the community than that a body not elected by the voters of the country without consulting the people, without consulting even the Trade Unionist, in order to impose conditions yet defined, should dislocate the life of the nation and try to starve us into submission …”

THE CIVIC CONSTABULARY RESERVE

Appeal by the Government for a Civic Constabulary Reserve

There are at present two forces attached to the police in London … composed of patriotic citizens who are willing to give such time as they can spare to helping the police in their duty of keeping order and protecting the public. There are in these forces about 25,000 citizens. Owing, however, to the tactics employed by ill-disposed persons … it has become necessary to expand and organise a further force of loyal citizens … organised in units wearing plain clothes, but supplied with armlets, steel helmets and truncheons.

The following are eligible to join:

Officers and other ranks of the Territorial Army and the senior contingent of the Officers’ Training Corps … Ex-military men who can be vouched for at Territorial Army Unit Headquarters. Age limit 50 years. Pay will be at the following daily rates: Commander, 10/-; Inspector 7/6; Sergeant, 6/-; Constable, 5/- …

 

the British Gazette May10

“… we are now threatened it seems with a revolution … An attempted revolution, were it to succeed, the country would henceforth be ruled, not by Parliament, not by the Parliamentary Labour Party, not by the rank and file of the trade unions, not by the moderate members of the Trades Unions Council, but by a relatively small body of extremists who regard trade unions not as the machinery for collective bargaining within our industrial system, but as a political instrument by which the industrial system itself is to be utterly destroyed.”

 

British Gazette final issue May 13:

‘The most formidable and insidious attempt that has as yet been made to cripple the freedom of the Press, and to withhold essential news from the public has been frustrated. The British Gazette may have had a short life, but it has fulfilled the purpose of living. It becomes a memory; but it remains a monument.’

 

New Statesman May 15

‘One of the worst outrages that the country has had to endure – and to pay for it – in the course of the strike, was the publication of the British Gazette. This organ, throughout the seven days of its existence, was a disgrace alike to the British Government and to British journalism – in so far as British journalism can be said to have had anything to do with it.’

 

 

 

 

Upper-Class Volunteers 1926

Oh, it’s such a lark being a volunteer and helping to break this damned strike, don’t you know. Just listen to this!

 

‘Seeing it Through’

Tommy is stoking an engine,

Grandpa waves flags red and green,

Innocent Florrie

Is driving a lorry,

While Millicent runs a canteen.

Daddy, of course, is a Special,

Mother is ready to nurse,

And we all think alike

That this jolly old strike

Is bad – but it might have been worse!

‘I am frequently hearing from friends of witty things scrawled on chalk on buses and tubes during the strike. Here are some new ones:

“To stop bus, wring conductor’s neck – once only …”

“Gentlemen are requested to throw their matches on the lines, as I have been detailed to sweep the platform each night.”

And some undergraduates poked fun by writing this on the side of the bus they were taking out: “The Red Bus with the Blue Blood” and the volunteer bus conductor said that at  ‘Highgate, Hendon, Holborn, Hampstead, Hackney and Harringay I dropped passengers but not aspirates.’ Another christened their vehicle “Soviet Sue” and chalked up on the other flank was the announcement “By permission of nobody …” poking fun at the TUC and strike committees with their wretched permits and permissions.

Honestly, you’d see this wonderful English humour that is exclusively English writ large on bus after bus.

 

But it was hard and serious work too:

‘We rolled milk churns, unloaded meat, fish and vegetables at the expense of shins and hands, muscles and sleep, to say nothing of the wear and tear on our 22inch Oxford Bags and Jermyn Street pull-overs. Driving and stoking trains, driving buses and lorries … we risked quite a lot at the hands of pickets and roughs.

And let’s remember the women who fed us at the impromptu canteens – at the Y.M.C.A., in Hyde Park, at Paddington under Lady Churston, where Lord Portarlington marshalled the volunteers and handed out cigars and witticisms to the Specials; at Scotland House where a collection of girls and women whose names would gladden the heart of any society journalist worked in shifts in the basement canteen.’

 

‘And I’d so often heard it said … that my post-war crop of our nation was hardly a vintage one. I’ve been constantly told that Jazz and Oxford bags and pork-pie hats had sucked all the sap out of our rising generation and that the country could not hope to find a new breed of fighters … Well now the doubters have discovered how absolutely tip top and tickety boo we are: confident young men who, under good officers, took our place in a flash, and learnt our jobs in an incredibly short space of time. High efficiency, unquestioning submission to discipline, a wonderful spirit and good manners, these were, and are, the high lights in the picture of the fine young reserve of which I have been proud to be a member.’

 

And let’s not forget my club-able chums :

“White’s supplied a full quota of members who volunteered as bus and train drivers and special constables … I saw five well-known hunting men come down the club steps into St. James’s Street wearing smart blue uniform or armlets. Most of the other clubs did the same. Lord Chesham was one of the first to drive a train. He got his training during the railway strike five years ago … Major the Hon. Lionel Tennyson, the cricketer, was also a special constable. So was Sir John Milbanke, the boxing baronet.”

 

‘And one thing the strike has done – it has given the pull-over a place in history. If there had been no strike, the ‘fair-isle” would have dwindled into a mere incident of fashion … As things are, it will remain forever a symbol of the gallant outburst of the spirit of youth, which brought a glory of high and joyous endeavour in all the dismalnesses and meannesses of the strike-fortnight, and will ever do.

In signal-boxes and train-cabs, in dockyard and mean-street, engineroom and workshed, the “fair-isle” throughout those wonderful days stood for courtesy, keenness, courage, for all that it means to be young in England.’

 

‘… But after the strike was over the real tube men had great sport poking fun at us – they used to stand on the platform and say [very U-accent] “Mind the doors please, pahss along the cah please.” They had the commuters in stitches for weeks afterwards. “Pahss along the cah please.” And they had great fun taking us off, you know, with what they called our highfaluting voices …

We had to put up with it for about three months … We couldn’t do anything about it because everybody was laughing …’

 

‘But I’m pleased to say that the debutantes’ Season, carried on. It would have been a thousand pities if it had been found necessary to cancel any of the Courts, as apart from the disappointment caused to some hundreds of debutantes, the set-back to business would have been very badly felt in certain quarters. Your rabid revolutionary, in his fulminations against the existing order of things, usually takes good care to forget the amount of employment which depends upon such functions as these; a point which many folk would do well to remember.’

 

And let’s also jolly well remember the jolly good job done by the BBC during the bally strike

(Taken from A Lark for the Sake of their Country )

BBC 1926

This is the BBC; Tuesday May 4th.1926

Reports from every part of the country to-day reveal that the General Strike which began at midnight has caused an almost complete industrial paralysis. The Report of the Trades Union General Council was that the stoppage had been complete.

According to information which had reached the Government the country generally is very quiet. Food supplies are normal and the milk supply does not seem to have suffered since this morning. Just before 1 o’clock this afternoon the General Council and the officials of the Miners’ Federation went to the House of Commons. The Miners’ Executive were summoned to the House of Commons shortly afterwards and had a short conference with the General Council. No indication of any resumption of negotiations at present between the Government and the T.U.C. Industrial Committee … Strike Items. London – Thousands of workers walked to and from the city to-day, others went by bicycle and car. Underground stations closed, no trams. Work in the East and West London Docks at a complete standstill. The work of organisation of transport in Hyde Park busily proceeding. Manchester – Almost all trains stopped. No trams running. Glasgow – Clyde shipyards carried on. S. Wales – Stoppage of all vital services general. Teeside – 30,000 iron and steel workers idle. Southampton – Partial tram and bus service. Channel Service – Two each day between Dover and Calais. Hull – Tramway men struck. Corporation give men till Thursday to return to work failing which they must return their uniforms. Portsmouth – Tramway men struck. Given till Wednesday evening to return.

 

 

 

This is the BBC; Wednesday May 5th. 1926

 

The Chief Civil Commissioner instructs us to announce that the Board of Trade is in the exercise of the powers conferred upon them by Regulation 3 of the Emergency Regulations 1926 and all other powers thereunto….. (1) That all persons in the Metropolitan Police Area of London to whom any milk is delivered outside that area or bringing milk from outside and all persons producing any milk within that area shall place all such milk at the disposal of the London Milk Pool Committee. (2) Consequently, all such persons shall notify immediately to the London Milk Pool Committee at Hyde Park, telephone Paddington 8961, extension 4. From time to time particulars as to the quantity of such milk and the place or places within the Metropolitan Police Area where such milk is located will be given. (3) Infringements of this Order are summary offences under the Emergency Regulations, 1926. Dated 5th May, 1926. The Chief Civil Commissioner instructs us to announce that a comprehensive survey of the situation throughout the country shows that an important part of the nation’s business is being carried on. The people as a whole remain calm and confident and bear their inconveniences and hardships with good temper and fortitude. There are no untoward incidents to report anywhere. There are ample forces to maintain order. Services of power and lighting are being maintained. Milk and food are being methodically carried forward. Railway services are more numerous. From various sections of the country good reports are being received. In Bradford conditions are practically normal except for the tram service. In Birmingham work is going forward as usual. The engineers in that area have not been called out. There is more activity in the Liverpool Docks. It is expected that 800 buses will be running on the streets of London to-morrow. 400 tons of fish came to Billingsgate early this morning. At Cardiff docks are working. The situation throughout Scotland is quiet. The Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis appeals to members of the public to abstain from joining any meetings or processions they may meet in the streets or public places. This course will be in their own interests and will be of great assistance to the Police. This is made at the request of the Home Office. We are instructed by the Civil Commissioners to correct one of the statements in the bulletin broadcast at 1 p.m. stating that there is a danger of food shortage in the districts of Mansfield and Nottingham. The facts of the case are quite otherwise. Consumers of electricity are asked by the Ministry of Transport to economise in the consumption of electricity as much possible.

 

 

This is the BBC; Friday May 7th 1926, the fourth day of the General Strike:

The Government points out that the circulation of alarmist rumours, such as savings banks ceasing payment, etc. is a criminal offence. The Bureau announces that improved services have been maintained during the day on the Southern Railway, and Waterloo station, in particular, has resumed a considerable amount of its normal busy appearance. Reports from Southampton indicate that there is no congestion, all ships having been cleared by voluntary labour. Day services are being continued on the cross channel route and the Waterloo and City Railway is available for city workers during the morning and evening rush hours. X Ray Equipment. Further to yesterday’s announcement, the secretary of X Rays Ltd., states that all hospitals and Radiologists in the Midlands requiring X Ray films and accessories can obtain delivery on application. Telephone to Mr. T.B. Wolverton, 14, Latimer Street, Woolenhall, Staffs. Telephone 217 Woolenhall. Cars for Women Workers. Further to previous announcements, Mrs. Baldwin’s telephone number is Central 3700. Shipping. The Royal Mail Steam Packet Company announce that the cruise of the liner Arcadian to the Canary Islands, Madeira and Morocco, due to start on Monday next, has been cancelled. Government Announcement. “All ranks of the armed forces of the crown are hereby informed that any action which they may find it necessary to take in an honest endeavour to aid the civil power will receive, both now and afterwards the full support of His Majesty’s Government.” Home Office Announcement “Reports show that the situation regains unchanged, and the country is quiet generally. In London concerted action by strikers to prevent the transport of food by road continues, but the situation is being dealt with. In the Provinces attempts are also being made to cut off the supply of electricity for essential services by calling out men from power stations. Strikers are, however, being replaced successfully.” News. More engine crews have returned to work on the G.W.R. and a much fuller service is being run to-day. At one place in Nottinghamshire a ballot of ‘bus drivers was in favour of returning to work. An increase of train, ‘bus and tram services is reported in Lancashire. Increased train services are also reported in the Birmingham district and many men are said to be anxious to return to work.

 

This is the BBC; Saturday May 8th 1926

 

The convoy of 104 lorries with its escort of 16 armoured cars, cavalry and mounted police, extended for some two miles, and was received everywhere with the greatest astonishment and enthusiasm. Two battalions of Guards has on Friday morning been marched down to take possession of the Docks and on Friday evening 500 volunteers.’

This is the BBC; Monday May 10th 1926

 

THE PREMIER BROADCASTS

“The General Strike has now been in progress for nearly a week, and I think it is right as Prime Minister that I should tell the Nation once more what is at stake in the lamentable struggle that is going on.

There are two distinct issues – the stoppage in the coal industry and the General Strike. The stoppage in the coal industry followed nine months’ enquiry and negotiations. I did my utmost to secure agreement upon the basis of the Commission’s report …

What, then, is the issue for which the Government is fighting? It is fighting because while negotiations were still in progress, the Trade Union Council ordered a General Strike, presumably to try to force and the Community to bend to its will …

With that object, the Trade Union Council has decreed that the railways shall not run, that the unloading of ships shall stop, and that no news shall reach the public. The supply of electricity and the transportation of food supplies to the people has been interrupted.

The Trade Union Council declared that this is merely an industrial dispute, but the method of helping the miners is to attack the community. Can there be a more direct attack upon the community than that a body not elected by the voters of the country without consulting the people, without consulting even the Trade Unionist, in order to impose conditions yet defined, should dislocate the life of the nation and try to starve us into submission …”

 

THE CIVIC CONSTABULARY RESERVE

Appeal by the Government for a Civic Constabulary Reserve

There are at present two forces attached to the police in London … composed of patriotic citizens who are willing to give such time as they can spare to helping the police in their duty of keeping order and protecting the public. There are in these forces about 25,000 citizens. Owing, however, to the tactics employed by ill-disposed persons … it has become necessary to expand and organise a further force of loyal citizens … organised in units wearing plain clothes, but supplied with armlets, steel helmets and truncheons.

The following are eligible to join:

Officers and other ranks of the Territorial Army and the senior contingent of the Officers’ Training Corps … Ex-military men who can be vouched for at Territorial Army Unit Headquarters. Age limit 50 years. Pay will be at the following daily rates: Commander, 10/-; Inspector 7/6; Sergeant, 6/-; Constable, 5/- …

 

 

 

This is the BBC; Wednesday 12th May, 1926

‘Home Office reports from all parts of the country indicate that the position was quieter than on any previous day of the strike. The Government’s energetic protective methods, prompt and severe, police court action, and the restraining influence of responsible trade union leaders have effectively suppressed tendencies to rowdyism. There have been more defections from the ranks of the strikers, but the position as a whole is still one of deadlock.’

 

Further developments followed: a stenographic report of the termination of the General Strike was broadcast at 7p.m., followed by the broadcasting of a message from the King, followed by a message from the Prime Minister at 9.30 p.m., followed by the Valedictory from the British Broadcasting Company.

 

THE KING’S MESSAGE

“BRING INTO BEING A LASTING PEACE”

The King has issued the following message to his people:

Buckingham Palace

TO MY PEOPLE

The nation has just passed through a period of extreme anxiety.

It was today announced that the general strike had been brought to an end. At such a moment it is supremely important to bring together all my people to confront the difficult situation that still remains. This task requires the co-operation of all able and well-disposed men in the country. Even with such help it will be difficult, but it will not be impossible.

Let us forget whatever elements of bitterness the events of the past few days have created, only remembering how steady and how orderly the country has remained though severely tested and forthwith address ourselves to the task of bringing into being a peace which will be lasting because, forgetting the past, it looks only to the future with the hopefulness of a united people.

(Signed). GEORGE R.I.

 

 

The following message from the Prime Minister was read from the London broadcasting station on the evening of Wednesday May 12:

 

“The General Strike is over, though several days will elapse before normal conditions are restored. It has ended … without conditions entered into by the Government. No Government confronted by such a menace could enter into conditional negotiation, the very undertaking of which would involve treachery to the accepted basis of our democratic Constitution.

Having said this, I must make it plain that I adhere both to the spirit and the letter of the speech which I delivered to the nation a few days ago. Our business is not to triumph over those who have failed in a mistaken attempt. It is rather to rally them together with the population as a whole in an attempt to restore the well-being of the nation. I shall without delay enter into negotiations with the object of adjusting those differences between owners and men … which had engaged the constant attention of the Government at the moment when the general strike unhappily emerged.

It would not, however, be right that I should let tonight pass, without expressing the heartfelt thanks of the Government to all those of our countrymen who have supported us in the struggle which is over.

We conceived it to be a matter of absolute duty to call upon the whole country to resist the menace of a general strike. The people of these islands responded to that appeal, as in our long island history they have answered every claim made upon their love of freedom and sense of fair play. I thank everyone. I hope that my message will go to the whole army of volunteers – men, women, and even children- who have risen up to demonstrate that there is no national service which cannot be discharged even with improvised knowledge by loyal citizens if the national safety requires it.

I thank those who in their thousands responded as special constables, ready to run any risk in order that they might demonstrate that the home of this great race had not forgotten its reverence for law and order. I thank those who have vindicated, I think once and for all, the impossibility of silencing the Press of Britain. The editor and the staff, the men and women who have started by motor car every night, travelling long hours to carry the Government organ throughout the length and breadth of the country – they have deserved well of us too; and every worker in London who in order, as far as he or she could, to keep the business of the nation in action has walked miles to do his or her work during these anxious days has deserved well of the nation too.

Now I must mention with admiration the devotion, courage, and patience shown by the Navy, the Army, the Air Force, and the police throughout the whole of the country. If I do not mention others who have also helped us, it is not because I forget their services, it is because the list is too long. They have served their country well, and those who in their hearts are resolute to serve her well need ask no other praise.

I have only this to add. I never felt any bitterness in my heart, as I realised that sympathy for the miners which we all share was the dominant motive underlying the action of the Trade Unions. That action, on whatever feeling it was based, was unconstitutional in character and directly threatened the safety of the nation. Of this, however, I am certain – that our duty at the moment is to forget all recrimination. Let employers act with generosity. Let workmen put their whole heart loyally into their work. Waste no time in determining who was to blame for anything. Let us get England, Scotland and Wales and Northern Ireland going again.

The Employers’ Association and the Trade Unions should meet without delay to adjust the many difficult questions that are bound to arise. The elements in our population which do not desire to see our country grow and prosper under a democratic Constitution are negligible. Let us neglect them but the rest of us, men, women alike, whatever view we took of the recent disorder, bind ourselves in a spirit of true comradeship to preserve, develop and maintain the industries of this country on which the fortunes of its citizens so vitally depend.

As I said In the House of Commons this afternoon, it is of the utmost importance that the whole British people should not look backwards but forwards, and resume our work in a spirit of co-operation and goodwill.

(Signed) STANLEY BALDWIN

 

 

B.B.C. VALEDICTORY

“Our first feelings on hearing of the termination of the General Strike must be profound thankfulness to Almighty God Who has led us through this supreme test with National health unimpaired. You have heard the message from the King and the Prime Minister. It remains only to add that the Nation’s happy escape has been in large measure due to the personal trust in the Prime Minister not misplaced.

As for the BBC we hope your confidence in, and goodwill to us have not suffered. We have laboured under certain difficulties, the full story of which may be told some day. We have tried to help.

In going back to work to-morrow, or the next day, can we not all go as fellow-craftsmen, resolved in the determination to pick up the broken pieces, repair the gaps, and build the walls of a more enduring city – the city revealed to the mystical eyes of William Blake when he wrote:

And did those feet in ancient time
Walk upon England’s mountains green?
And was the holy Lamb of God
On England’s pleasant pastures seen?

And did the Countenance Divine
Shine forth upon our clouded hills?
And was Jerusalem builded here
Among these dark Satanic mills?

Bring me my bow of burning gold:
Bring me my arrows of desire:
Bring me my spear: O clouds unfold!
Bring me my chariot of fire.

I will not cease from mental fight,
Nor shall my sword sleep in my hand
Till we have built Jerusalem
In England’s green and pleasant land.

The BBC Thursday May 13 10 a.m.

As far as London is concerned, the calling off of the General Strike seemed to have made little difference to traffic this morning. Few of the strikers have returned to work and the strike service of trains and buses is still in force, volunteers acting as drivers and conductors. No trams were running in the early morning and the scramble to get to work was as bad as ever. The newspapers appeared again in attenuated form.

While the general strike public as a whole took no pains to conceal their satisfaction at the calling off of the strike, the TUC seems to have caused some dissatisfaction among some of its adherents. A tour through Canning Town and Poplar just before midnight disclosed the fact that the inhabitants of these parts were not at all pleased with the state of affairs. Crowds paraded the streets, but the police kept them on the move, and only in one or two instances was actual violence threatened. The dockers had withdrawn their pickets from the docks, but the gates remained closed and very little activity was noticed within them.

 

Ellen Wilkinson, letter to the Radio Times 28 May

‘The attitude of the BBC during the crisis caused pain and indignation to many subscribers. I travelled by car over two thousand miles during the strike and addressed very many meetings. Everywhere the complaints were bitter that a national service … should have given only one side during the dispute. Personally, I feel like asking the Postmaster-General for my licence fee back.’

 

Sir Oliver Lodge letter to the Radio Times 28 May

‘The universal feeling is one of gratitude to the BBC for the admirable part the organisation has played … Had it not been for the possibility of prompt and broadcast communication, the country might have been more uneasy, and been perturbed far more seriously than it has been. By the sending out of trustworthy news, and by the prompt denial of false rumours, the pulse of the country was kept calm and healthy … Both sides of the dispute ought to be grateful to the organisers of the new means of spreading intelligence.’

 

My comment here: Even though there was no absolutely formal ‘taking-over’ of the BBC by the Government – the Archbishop of Canterbury was not allowed to broadcast his proposals; the Government would have taken over the BBC if Reith had shown too much of an independent line and Reith knew that; Cabinet members knew that if the Government did formally take over the BBC then it might lose some of its efficacy and plausibility; it was only on Monday 14th May – two days after the end of the strike that a Labour voice was heard, and that was of Jimmy Thomas …

 

 

Swindon and the General Strike

Swindon and the General Strike

Factory walls can sometimes feel like prison walls,

But I always thought the Factory walls in Swindon

Had a welcoming, warm and friendly feel,

Even in the low sun days of midwinter.

For this was a railway town,

A Great Western Railway Company town,

A paternalistic railway company town,

With swimming baths and a hospital,

And a blue print for the NHS;

A Park for exercise and amusement too,

And the Mechanics Institute

For education, reading and advancement.

The largest engineering works in Western Europe,

310 acres, 14,000 employees,

Two railway stations:

Over 50 million tons of coal passed through Swindon each year:

one fifth of the country’s annual output.

But when I started train spotting, aged six,

In that halcyon summer of 1958,

With my in-built respect for the GWR,

And its Western Region successor,

And all its chocolate and cream nostalgia,

How could I have known about the General Strike,

In Swindon, thirty-two years before?

When we placed pennies on the line,

To see how the Cheltenham Flyer

Would burnish and flatten those spare coins,

And when Sir Felix Pole, Castle class, 5066,

Rode rough shod over those pennies,

How could I have known that Sir Felix

Was a real person from thirty-two years before?

The vindictive GWR General Manager during the General Strike?

To a boy in 1958,

1926 was more like the nineteenth century,

But on Sunday, 2 May 1926, there were two contrasting events in Swindon: the Archdeacon, Dr. Talbot, preached a sermon strongly condemning a strike; the Trades Council’s second Council of Action conference worked out agreed responsibilities for the conduct of the strike in Swindon to be put to mass meetings … they moved solidly and enthusiastically into action.

 

And the strike started solidly in Swindon:

With a meeting of 6,000 in the GWR Park. ‘Telegrams from one union after another were read out’ and this resolution passed: “That this mass meeting of trade unionists pledges itself to carry out the instructions of their executive committees and any duties their local committee may call upon them to do, and to act in no way that would lead to any disturbance.”

 

Mass meetings of those on strike AND their families followed, with thousands in the GWR Park and an array of recreational and educational activities: football and cricket matches; bowls and darts competitions; concerts, socials and literary events while the Swindon ‘General Council’ dealt with the daily demands of overseeing permits, pickets, speakers etc.

 

In fact, the strike was so solid that pickets were barely needed,

And with the trams and power station municipally owned,

The mayor declared that no trams would run

And fuses would be removed from the main industrial enterprises.

But an irate Town Clerk sent a report to the Civil Commissioner for the South Midlands district, Major the Rt. Hon Earl Winterton MP who ordered an investigation ‘as the condition of affairs there was serious.’ The mayor told the official that if power were restored probably all the workers at the power station would come out and ‘the town would be plunged into darkness,’ Fourteen naval pensioners were eventually recruited from Portsmouth to break any strike if it should occur at the power station.

 

But resentment would grow in the town

After an official GWR notice was put up

At the Temple Street NUR HQ;

The notice politicised the strike

As ‘a deep conspiracy against the state’;

And as regards railway re-employment

after the strike’s eventual end:

Loss of position, status, pay,

With the threat of damages, costs, and the sack

For leading trade unionists;

A mass meeting in the GWR Park followed.

Sir Felix Pole regarded the strike meetings held in the park

And the picketing at the main entrance to the railway works

As trespassing on company land.

And he no doubt felt elated when he heard that

The Reverend K Crisford, the curate at St Marks Church by the railway line

Who preached a sermon against the railway companies

and the Government and supported the strikers.

And who after the service walked to the park in his cassock and surplice

to address a massed strike meeting.

was forced to leave his post after the strike had ended,

The only member of the established church’s clergy to openly support the miners.

And how could I have known about all of this,

When one of the first songs I learned at my mother’s knee

Followed these railway lines:

‘Down at the station,

Early in the morning,

See the little engines

All in a row,

Man with a green flag,

Blows upon his whistle,

Peep, peep, peep,

And away we go’.

There was another version in 1926,

Which lampooned the upper-class strike breaking train drivers:

Bristol Bulletin ‘To Heaven by the LMS’

Early in the morning, per broadcast from London,

See the little puff-puffs all in a row,

D’Arcy on the engine, pulled a little lever,

Expansion of the boiler – UP WE GO!’

But down at Swindon Railway Works,

There were equally extraordinary scenes,

With the famous WA Stanier, Works manager,

Wielding a hose pipe to inundate

 

Apprentices who went on strike at the tunnel entrance,

(He was the model for the Rev Awdry’s fat controller btw)

And CB Collett, Chief Mechanical Engineer,

Would issue this notice:

‘In view of the large number of men who have failed to report themselves

for duty these works are hereby closed until further notice’;

It wasn’t just the GWR, of course;

Swindon printers and tram workers were also stopped work on Monday May 3

On the first wave of industrial action;

The Co-operative Society rooms in Harding Street

Became an HQ for coordination of picketing,

And accounting of the Distress Fund, for fully 10,000 people,

By the Swindon Central Strike Committee aka “The General Council”:

‘Magnificent solidarity’ was the initial synopsis;

“United action is our watchword.”

On the other side, there stood, resolute,

The Swindon Volunteer Services Committee;

Whilst troops and police were offered to the GWR;

But Collett informed the Swindon NUR branch:

‘I don’t want them. If you gentlemen sitting here are prepared

to assist me in protecting the property,

I am prepared to do without them.’

The NUR replied:

‘We at once gave him that guarantee.’

Beyond the railway works,

Disagreement and confusion simmered

Over the withdrawal of the electricity supply,

But despite this,

The Swindon Advertiser commented on May14th:

‘The town has been very quiet and orderly.

The police have had no trouble whatsoever’:

Despite, or probably, because of

The daily round of mass meetings in the parks,

The sports matches, the tournaments,

The concerts, the readings, the entertainments …

It was a peculiarly British general strike in Swindon, too …

A few GWR trains began to run through Swindon,

partly due to the Oxford plus four brigade. ‘I say, rather.’

Only nine drivers broke the strike in Swindon.

Fireman Taylor had the idea of treating them as though they were dead, having a mock funeral procession and cremation on the Corporation rubbish tip.

And so, in a Swindonian version

Of the old Skimmington cavalcade,

Whereby transgressors of a local moral code

Were lampooned in effigy and with rough music,

Some strike breakers were honoured with a procession:

A mock funeral cortege that wound its way

To the council rubbish tip for ‘cremation’;

The coffins, made by firemen, were embellished,

By wives, mothers, daughters, grand-mothers and aunts,

With curtains or cloth, and wreaths of nettles

And dandelions for floral decoration;

The cortege was followed by some thousand people,

While every street showed its approbation:

‘Of course, when we called with a coffin all the neighbours came out.

They were delighted! We had no trouble with any of them;

almost everyone in those streets had someone on strike themselves.

We had the whole population with us in the demonstration.’

With the police granting permission

And controlling the traffic

Around ‘Manchester Road, the Centre and down by The Ship’;

Traditional rough music:

The death knell created with an iron monger’s shop sign,

a trowel and a four-foot long set square.

A mock undertaker in top hat, long tail coat,

black gloves and striped trousers led the cortège

A derisive cacophony and pandemonium,

Greeted the cortege on its way to Morris Street,

And mock funeral service and cremation:

‘At each home [of a strikebreaker] when we knocked we told them we’d come to take them for a ride, and that if they didn’t come with us we’d have the pleasure of burying them.’  ‘A woman came out of her shop to give them two gallons of paraffin for the cremation. Joe Baldwin, a train driver, borrowed a white table cloth from a lady in the street, and dressed in this as a surplice he said a burial service over the nine coffins.

As he set fire to them his last words were

‘May the wind blow their remains to the corners of the earth,

And to hell with them all’.

Cars, motor-cycles, side cars and bicycles

Were also used to transport the British Worker

And TUC strike bulletins down to Swindon,

While Friday May 7th would see a report to the TUC,

After the famous Ben Tillett addressed a large rally in the town:

‘Position at Swindon splendid.

Spirit … 100%.

Any other national leaders coming this way

we shall be pleased to accommodate.

Demand for larger supplies of British Worker.

Our lines of communication … excellent.

We have made certain arrangements for your despatch riders to obtain petrol. The CWS here have fixed us up splendid.’

‘The townsfolk got the news from the daily mass meetings of thousands in the GWR Park. It was like a Labour Fete every day.

As regards the Swindon and Wiltshire press,

The Evening Advertiser was a single-sheet,

And British Gazette in tone and some content;

The North Wilts Herald would later fulminate

About the withdrawal of the fuses at Moredon power station,

And consequent immobilisation of the printing presses:

‘a desperate step to stifle the freedom of the press’

‘an amazing action in which Swindon,

so far as we have been able to ascertain,

stands alone among all the civic authorities of the country’;

People didn’t stand alone on the Milk Bank

by the railway station, however;

Crowds would jeer as volunteers drove passing trains,

With women to the fore, aprons full of stones,

To lob at strike breaking footplatemen;

Some striking footplatemen also secretly planned to grease inclines

to make firing and driving more difficult.

But money was tight with strike pay low,

And none at all for those not called out until the second wave,

But unable to work because of the impact of the first wave,

With shortage of fuel or the removal of fuses or lack of transport

That rainy day had arrived for that money put by,

‘Feeding Centres’ and the Coop Distress Fund provided succour for some

Teachers commented on hunger facing large families.

‘Put your heads down on the desks and close your eyes:

“Hands up who didn’t have breakfast this morning?”

And some churches and chapels helped out too,

Despite the GWR notice of Monday May 10th,

Describing the strike as a ‘deep conspiracy’,

Not against the company, but ‘against the state’;

A notice as intransigent and uncompromising

As the one put up outside the NUR Temple Street HQ,

With its conditions about employees returning to work,

And consequent penalties.

In according and predictable consequence,

There was a mass meeting in the railway park,

While the government stiffened its resolve,

And, locally, the mayor was forced to give in,

With the arrival of those twelve naval pensioners,

Fuses were restored with plans for trams to go on the streets staffed by volunteers

More mass meetings followed:

At the GWR Park; and at the Mechanics Institute:

‘one of the finest meetings ever held,

the hall being packed to excess and the members very enthusiastic’.

Another meeting followed at the Princess Street Recreation Ground;

The second wave of strikes was called out,

with another ‘mass meeting of members as soon as possible

and that the wives of members be invited’.

The strike was rock solid both in Swindon and on the GWR:

20,000 men and women not at work in the town and surrounding villages. Discussions continued at the Swindon General Council about what to do about the naval pensioners and the volunteers on the trams

 

So, it was a bolt from the blue on Wednesday 12th May:

The General Strike was called off.

On the afternoon of Wednesday May 12, Bill Sargent was on Railway Clerk picket duty outside the Mechanics Institute: ‘Someone dashed across from the Park saying that they had heard on the one o’clock news that the strike was over. Of course, we knew that the employers must have given in and that we’d won the victory.’

 

Victory was presumed at first,

Until the full facts came through in the afternoon.

A meeting was called for the next day at the Park:

GWR employees would stay out

In the face of Sir Felix Pole’s obduracy …

But this talk has to stay within its 25 minutes and so will deal with the nine days only … And so, to conclude … with some personal stories …

Some strikebreakers were veterans but Harry Avern, 26 and with four children, couldn’t resist the offer of a permanent job from the running shed foreman if he would act as a fireman. He faced a hail of stones near Reading and returning from Paddington he was landed with an aristocratic driver who left them stuck in Box Tunnel devoid of steam. Harry didn’t get a permanent job, ‘all he got was an illuminated certificate for strike breaking, and a [guinea] postal order from a grateful GWR.’

And the final conclusion:

The Swindon Advertiser commented that ‘the men and women on strike whose hearts were in the strike comprised an infinitesimal proportion of the whole.’ But the veteran Swindon socialist orator, Reuben George commented that ‘Spiritual life is higher… now for Wherever the men met, the voice of the politician and sectarian was hushed. There were Liberals, Tories, Labour Socialists, Church, Chapel, Roman Catholics, Unitarians, Salvationists; men of strong political and sectarian bias and men of none whatsoever… These men and women met as one. They spoke from the various platforms. They joined in the work of organisation; and what is more and greater than all, they forgot all Party bitterness and sectarian strife. They threw themselves wholeheartedly into the question of help for the miners.’ Swindon Advertiser 18 June 1926

The GWR and the General Strike C.R. Potts Oakwood Press

The General Strike ed. Jeffey Skelley Lawrence & Wishart especially chapter 9 on Swindon by Angela Tucket

The General Strike Day by Day Keith Laybourn Sutton Publishing

 

 

 

The Forest of Dean, the General Strike and Lockout

What’s in a Name?

I sing you a song of collieries,

Whose picturesque toponyms

Cloak any subterranean pandemonium

With the poetry of a landscape.

I sing you a song of the Forest of Dean,

And its 44 pits and 6,000 miners

In the year of the General Strike;

I sing you a song of these collieries:

Silent Standing, Bridworth and Mailscot Gale, Berry Hill, Cross Ash, Crump Meadow, Dark Hill, Farmer’s Folly, High Meadow, Hopewell Drift, Lightmoor, Fetter Hill, Mapleford, Gorsty Knoll, Nine Wells, Pastor’s Hill, Pluck Penny, Prosper Hill, Howlers Slade, Weavers Pitch.

What’s in a Name?

Let us hear from Jesse Hodges:

“I have left too much of my blood in the mines to ever want to go back down and I would not wish it on anybody. It was a pity it was ever discovered. I don’t believe God meant it for a man to grovel in the bowels of the earth and to leave blood on coal.”

What’s in a Name?

Coal, coke, anthracite, ash, slag, scoria, charcoal, cinders, culm, fuel,

Cinderford, Coleford,

Coal. Blood.

Blood on Coal.

Today is Armistice Day, November 11th 1926; I’ve been out since May 7th. I’m back in tomorrow. And in that long time, I’ve never had a penny off anyone. There was no official lockout pay available from the Forest of Dean Miners’ Association. And do you know, the money I’m going back to. Why I’d be better off on the dole. I’m back tomorrow on the owner’s terms and at this rate they’ll be dancing on my grave before long. Talking of which.

When the police first came in, I heard one or two of them having a laugh at us, quietly singing, “Don’t go down the mine, daddy.” But living round here in the Dean, you’ve no choice. There’s nothing else.

 

I don’t think I’ll ever forget what I’ve seen over the past few months. Those mounted police down from Cheltenham escorting men into work round Bream way. The Metropolitan Police stationed at Lydney, riding out like a possee on the cowboy films, patrolling Whitecroft, Parkend, Fetter Hill, and Coleford with their noses in the air and then clip clopping back to Lydney after seeing what was going on at Sling and Bream. To think what we went through in the trenches and No-Man’s Land and to be treated like this after fighting for King and Country.

 

But back to the here and now. I must tell you what happened to me at Ranters Green a few weeks back. Mustn’t forget this one. I was there with a few mates. And who should come motoring down the road but Percy Moare, the managing director of the Princess Royal Colliery. He wound down the windscreen when he got to us, all smiles, “When you coming back to work, boys?” Jimmy shouted back, “When you pay us all a living wage.” Mr Moare didn’t smile then. It was more of a grimace, “I’ll see you all eat bloody grass, first.”

 

Talking of which during the lock-out, the children had a cooked meal every day at school, thank goodness. They took their knives and forks and plates with them every day. And now I’ll tell you another tale about the Princess Royal Colliery. The underground manager there was a Mr. Burgess. He was also on the Board of Guardians for the Poor Law and the workhouse. He was a penny-pinching type of fellow, like Scrooge before his redemption. He wanted to cut back on these meals. But we colliers stood up to him, arguing and winning our case that growing children needed nutrition and sustenance. He was trying to starve families back to work if you ask me. And when the three men who fought the case went back to work, there on their first day back, to greet them as they walked across the top of the pit was Burgess.

“There’s no work for you three. You can bugger off.”

 

But there was a lot more kindness shown around the Forest and the pits and not just for people but for animals too. I well remember sitting on the trunk of a fallen beech tree, watching my mates bring the horses up out of the mine. The squeal of the horses on seeing sunlight for the first time was a sight and a sound I shall never forget. We put sacking over their poor heads to stop the direct sunlight hurting them. The poor beasts didn’t know where to go, though. They couldn’t see, could they? They just stood there. They’d been in the dark so long. It made my heart weep.

 

It made my heart weep to see men drift back to work too. I felt anger too, of course. But they went back out of necessity as they saw it. Their hearts wept, too, in the main.

But we had to express our opposition to maintain solidarity. So we’d often creep round to the front of their houses and hammer pots and pans and tins to make one hell of a racket. No fighting or anything like that you know. Just noise and a bit of name calling. But even so, the police would arrive to escort those men into their shift. Easy money for the police, really.

 

That caused a lot of resentment, of course. There they were on horseback getting their easy money while down the road there was despair. A mother and her collier son were turned out of their home because they couldn’t afford the rent. A man who had given his all in the Great War and no bloody home fit for a hero for him. Westbury Workhouse instead and charitable handouts of food. He told me that one day a load of fish arrived from Russia and was doled out around Ruardean Hill. It came up on the railway and was shared out for all who gathered there. But can you imagine such a thing? Fish all the bloody way from Russia. But it was bloody welcome, I can tell you.

 

Now to talk of Cinderford. Well, practically every man in Cinderford was a miner. There was quite a congregation of them in the Triangle one day; women and children too, and the police turned up as expected. I was standing by the railings at Bilston School and saw a man with his wife stagger past with his head all bleeding. He’d been hit with a police baton. Another wounded hero of the Great War. The mounted police were billeted at the “Feathers’ and the police station in case of rioting. But to be honest, there was no rioting in the Forest. Just a bit of skirmishing at the pit heads. The police ate well, I can tell you. We used to stare through the windows of the Feathers and watch them guzzle. There was a lot of resentment at their luxury you know. Dining out at our expense, so to speak.

Well, that’s almost that for the diary. Just one last recollection: the meeting that took place at Speech House just after the termination of the General Strike where John Williams declared: “They can bring troops and police here, with their batons and their guns, but they cannot make us go down Lightmoor or Foxes Bridge or the Princess Royal.”

That seems a lifetime ago. It’s back to work tomorrow.

Goodnight.

 

 

Believe you me, I took no pleasure or pride in doing what I did and little profit either. But it kept body and soul together. Don’t get me wrong. I’ve always been a rock-solid union man but after the General Strike was called off the writing was on the wall once the railway unions refused an appeal to place an embargo on the transport of imported coal and after the TUC rejected an appeal to impose a levy on unions to support a strike fund for the miners.

I had no money coming in. No strike pay. And my children were too old for free school meals. They found charity and soup kitchens degrading. And my wife had lost her job at the laundry. So that’s why and when we decided to follow in the path of Sid Cooksey and Stan Rogers. They’d been on at me for a while about this.

We went up to an old colliery, Woorgreen, just above the hospital. And there, no word of a lie, about a hundred men all scavenging for coal in holes they’d dug. We gazed around. All the best plots had gone. So we wandered off down to an old siding where the heavy wagons used to run and I started to scrape at the gaps between the sleepers. And soon enough I hit coal – 18 inches of coal in depth all the way along the railway line.

We got 3 and a half tons of coal out of that line in about five hours. We sold it to Westbury Workhouse for £3 10. But that was nothing compared to what Fred Warren and his gang got up to, digging coal in the strike pits.

They did it at night in secret so the pickets and the police were none the wiser. And they slept in the nearby woods in the daytime. Mallard’s Pike was their favoured pit. They cut a four to five feet hole, then went down a short distance, making a sort of bell pit like the miners did in the old days. They’d start in one corner, getting the coal out, then move on, filling the corner with dirt. They went underground in a level and propped up the roof too.

Rossiter & Jones of Parkend came to the site with a lorry, loaded up the coal, and paid Fred and his men accordingly. But, in the end, the Union prevailed, and convinced Fred that they should stop.

But that’s enough of us men.

Let’s hear the women’s side of things from Elsie.

 

 

 

These are some of my memories of what occurred in the Forest during those long months of the spring, summer and autumn of 1926. I’ll speak mostly of family life. After all, it was us women who had to keep the households ticking over when there was no wage coming in. I hope you find my stories interesting. You couldn’t call me an omniscient narrator but I’ve got a pretty good memory of what happened twenty years ago when I lived in the Dean.

 

I’ll start with the children and what they did. Back then, there weren’t so many motor cars on the roads and the boys used to play marbles in the streets. That was a great pastime for them when out of school. But that changed once the men refused to work on the owners’ lock-out terms.

All work and no play might make Jack a dull boy but all play and no keeping an eye out can weaken a strike.

So the boys used to hide in the bracken to keep an eye out for any men drifting back to work and when they spied any furtively slipping down the lanes in the direction of a pit head, they would slip away to inform the striking miners in the village.

The men would then hurry along to make sure that the appropriate and necessary address would be given to the disloyal miners. Some of it, abusive name calling, no doubt. Feelings were running high of course, But no violence or physical intimidation despite what the papers said.

 

I have to confess that I shouted my piece at times and on one occasion, I must relate, I was punished for an outburst when a policeman on horseback pushed me back and the force of it sent me hurtling down bang on the pavement and flat on my back. Only words from me but violence from the police. You didn’t see that in the papers, of course. Any road, my leg went black and blue with the bruising. There was an irony in my having a blackleg wasn’t there? We often had a laugh about that.

 

But back to the children. Now everybody remembers the evacuation from London in the War. But what I’m about to tell you now is going to startle you: there was evacuation of children from the Forest to London in 1926. They were miners’ children from large or medium-sized families. During the lock-out, down the way, every child was given a meal ticket from the Westbury Workhouse Poor Law Board of Guardians at Monmouth. But then the Guardians in their wisdom changed the rules. Families with four or more children would lose a meal ticket; so, these families were asked to let children go to foster-parents in London and the surrounding districts. The foster-parents were supportive working-class people, in the main.

It was such a sight to see the children with their parcels marching down to Whitecroft railway station to commence their journey to Paddington and beyond. There were tears on the platform as you can imagine and not even the arrival of the steam engine could totally efface the sound of the sobbing. But life was hard and we just had to get on with it.

 

And it was still hard after the men returned to work in the November of 1926. There might have been a wage packet on the table for the first time in months but wives and mothers had a struggle to make ends meet. It wasn’t just the fact that the wage packet was lighter, so to speak, it was also the fact that we’d all had so much on the slate and on tick for food and groceries and those debts had to be paid back. It took years for some folk.

 

But the shop-keepers had helped us out and they deserved their repayment. But apart from them, another thing that kept us going during the lockout was the sharing of vegetables and fruit from allotments and gardens. And when rabbits were shot, they were passed around too. But a God-send for us was Mr. Pope, the headmaster at my children’s school. He called a meeting of parents, formed working parties, you might say, and commandeered the Chapel school room. The older children helped out too: the boys collecting firewood and salvaging coal from the top of the tips. Mr. Pope issued stern orders that the girls should only help at the bottom: “All girls picking coal must stay at the bottom.” The boys also had to collect water for cooking from a spring behind the school with a yoke across their shoulders and two buckets on the ends.

A farmer, Mr. Hoare, donated spuds, swedes, and skimmed milk. And in return we would help him out at harvest time. When it was time to eat, down they would march from school to chapel with their knives, forks and spoons. It was mostly spuds and vegetables with meat once a week. There were newspapers for tablecloths, usually the Forest Gazette. Copies of the Gloucester Strike Bulletin were revered and saved for reading, Never for a so-called tablecloth. The Forest Gazette instead.

At the end of the meal, the utensils were then washed in a bath of hot water.

 

So it was a real community in the Dean in those hard days. People broke the strike, of course. Some by underhand collecting of coal and selling it on. And others, of course, drifted into work. That first happened in the smaller collieries usually. It was a melancholy sight, watching them go on furtive and hangdog. You hated them for weakening the struggle but you knew them too and you knew those who had nothing. They were going back out of necessity. So you felt sorry for them at the same time. But you never felt anything but loathing for those mounted police escorting them into the pits.

But that’s enough from me going down memory lane. I think it’s time for a historian now. Here’s Mr. Butler.

 

 

 

Some statistics to finish the evening.

Remember that May meeting that took place at Speech House after the termination of the General Strike where John Williams declared: “They can bring troops and police here, with their batons and their guns, but they cannot make us go down Lightmoor or Foxes Bridge or the Princess Royal.”

 

How did it go with no official lockout pay after that?

 

In July, the Forest of Dean Colliery Owners’ Association opened some pits with a new 8-hour day but numbers returning to work were scant: Eastern United 206; Norchard 47; New Fancy 20; Cannop 0; Flour Mills 0, and Princess Royal 0.

 

With hardship gnawing away at both resolve and sinew, however, international aid was sought; by late summer, the statistics showed an increasing number of colliers returning to work in the Dean. A total of 720 had returned to work at Lightmoor, Eastern United, Norchard, Oldcroft, Waterloo, New Fancy, New Regulator and Slope, Drybrook (none at Flour Mill, Princess Royal, Parkend Deep, Cannop and Crump Meadow).

This figure had increased to 850 within two weeks and then to 1,754 three weeks later – with 200 at Princess Royal. A week later, the combined figure had climbed to 2,349. The proportion retuning to work in the Dean exceeded the national trend of 5-10% of the total workforce going back down the pit. It was about 30% in the Forest of Dean.

Arthur Cook addressed a meeting of over 3,000 at Speech House towards the end of September: ‘… When I meet the Prime Minister and tell him our men will not accept longer hours, I am told that in the Forest of Dean there are men working eight hours at reduced wages. I have been made a liar by every single man who has gone back … The battle will not be won in London but in the colliery villages, in the soup kitchens and in the homes of men who have made history in 1926.’

Despite this exhortatory speech and despite the despatch of Miners’ Federation of Great Britain emissaries, some two-thirds of Dean colliers were back at work by the end of October. And the writing was on the colliery walls throughout the country … in the Forest, a final meeting took place at Speech House with only 450 colliers present out of 6,500 with the news that 1,500 would lose their jobs.

Ralph Anstis concluded: ‘Then came to an end the saddest story in the history of the Forest coalfield. After thirty-three weeks of strife and suffering none of the miners was a winner but those who lost most were the men who stayed out to the end. The men who ceased to support their union and had decided enough was enough and returned to work, either early or late in the dispute, had come off best – at least they had got their jobs back.’

 

Ralph wrote in 1999: ‘A last reminder of miners’ trade unionism in the Forest can be seen in the Miners Welfare Hall in Cinderford, where the NUM banner is proudly displayed high on the wall.’

This has been adapted for performance from the memories collected within Blood on Coal  The 1926 General Strike and Miners’ Lockout in the Forest of Dean by Ralph Anstis

 

 

Stroud and the 1926 General Strike

In 1926, ‘Stroud and District’ comprised both an urban-industrial and a rural-agricultural landscape, stretching along and through five valleys and hillsides, with fast flowing streams and picturesque villages; the 1921 census indicated some 66,000 persons. Those streams powered the woollen mills with the renowned Stroud scarlet cloth that provided the redcoats for the British army stretched out on tenterhooks once a common sight.

Coal and steam power came with canals and even though Stroud struggled against the textile industries of the north in the 19th century, there were still many cloth mills in the area in 1926. Other major industries included metal-working and even plastics at the famous Erinoids factory.

Communications for the locality were excellent: the Stroudwater Navigation linked Stroud with the Gloucester and Sharpness Canal and hence the Bristol Channel, there had also been the Thames and Severn Canal that linked Stroud with the Thames at Lechlade – about to be largely abandoned. Railways came early to Stroud: the GWR branch line from Swindon to Cheltenham in 1845. There was also a spur into town off the Stonehouse-Nailsworth Midland Railway line.

So how did the General Strike affect Stroud?

It started at midnight on May 3 (after the government broke after negotiations after unofficial action by printers at the Daily Mail) with the first wave of unions called out: transport, printing, the press, iron, steel, metals, heavy chemicals, electricity, gas, building (excluding hospitals and houses). The country was strangely quiet on May 4: an absence of passenger trains; hardly a bus or a tram; docks like a still life; no national newspapers (a few trades councils produced a strike broadsheet; strike bulletins featured on the BBC every three hours). May 5 and 6 saw an appeal from the government for strike-breaking volunteers, and special constables, together with the Government’s British Gazette and the TUC’s British Worker. Some Councils of Action and Joint Strike Committees were formed. Sir John Simon declared, in the House of Commons, that the General Strike was illegal.

On May 6, the Gloucester newspaper, The Citizen, described ‘Stroud and district’ as ‘one of the biggest industrial areas in the county … already seriously affected by the strike.’ The unemployment figure had rocketed by 500 persons, with short-time working at fifteen major employers because of shortage of fuel.

The Stroud Journal reported on May 7 that ‘With the “cease work” order of the Trades Union Congress coming into operation at midnight on Monday the wheels of industry in our valleys began to slow down. Trains disappeared from our local railway lines, the big daily newspapers failed to appear on our breakfast tables, and within a day or two many of our Stroud Valley industries were compelled to work short time.’ (Unemployment rose from 798 to 2,171 by the end of the strike.)

Trains disappeared from ‘our local railway lines’: just 9 out of 75 GWR staff signed on for work at Stroud on the GWR; none reported for work at picturesque Chalford (where a crucial rail car service operated); some 50% were out on the LMS in the area, with ‘one or two working’ on the branch line to Nailsworth, Woodchester and Dudbridge. ‘Altogether, in our district, we understand that there are over 200 railwaymen who have ceased work,’ reported the Stroud Journal.

The local branch of the NUR reported that 98% of members were out, with telegram instructions from their general secretary: “Position unchanged, no wavering anywhere. Pickets should wear prominent badges. All other members, far as possible, must keep off the streets.” There were no reports of pickets interfering with the attempts made by the G.W.R. stationmaster at Stroud to create a minimal replacement bus service for the rail car between Chalford, Stroud and Stonehouse (there were only three buses available for a scant service).

The Government – unlike the TUC – was well prepared, however. Not just because of the stockpiling of coal during the nine-month subsidy to buttress miners’ wages (“Red Friday”, July 1925) that ran out at the end of April 1926, and not just because of right-wing support offered by groups such as the Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies, but also because of contingency planning in the event of widespread industrial action that went right back to Lloyd George’s government in 1919.

The General Strike would see England and Wales divided into areas under the aegis of Civil Commissioners, whilst north of the border would be overseen by the Lord Advocate for Scotland. A.R. Williams in ‘The General Strike in Gloucestershire’ (Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society 1972) commented that the ‘Earl of Stanhope organised efforts in Gloucestershire, Somerset, Dorset, Devonshire and Cornwall, supported by a squad of assistants, coal officer, food officer, four military liaison officers, railway and postal representatives.’

It’s interesting to see how the chain of authority descended down from the Earl of Stanhope to an emergency meeting of the Stroud Urban District Council in the Town Hall in Stroud. The brief was to decide upon the ‘advisability’ of forming a new local committee, in response to the Government’s emergency plans. The chairman was Col. J.R. Morton Ball who declared that the planned and prepared emergency schemes (for example, a circular from November 1925) now needed action.

With the railways paralysed, the transportation of goods – particularly foodstuffs and fuel – occupied minds at this emergency meeting (as reported by the Stroud Journal May 7); the chairman revealed that Mr Hudson was responsible for organising food supplies in their large area (Stroud Urban and Rural Districts, Nailsworth Urban, Wheatenhurst and Dursley rural districts) and he believed that ‘Stroud stood as well as any place in the matter of local supplies, at grocers’ shops in particular’ with ‘a number of big establishments, including the two Co-operative Societies and the Cotswold Stores … Mr. Hudson had formed a traders’ committee to help him on which representatives of these three businesses were represented, together with milk retailers.’

Discussions then turned to coal: the Emergency Officer, Mr. Hayne, based at Gloucester, had reported that not all coal merchants were willing to follow orders ‘limiting … supply to one cwt.’ Shortage encouraged competition rather than cooperation at local authority level too: for Mr. Haynes wanted his committee ‘to prevent the departure of fuel from the district.’ There had been panic buying (‘stocks in the hands of coal merchants were low, probably owing to the big demand made upon them by local residents during the last few weeks’); there was sufficient fuel for the Hospital and the Workhouse but the committee would have to, somehow, ‘discover what coal was required’ and ‘get Mr. Harper to bring more coal into the district if necessary’.

The final – and vexed – matter for the committee’s discussions was the required appeal for volunteers to ‘maintain essential services.’ The discourse about this and the social standing of the participants epitomises the impact of the General Strike upon Stroud and the five valleys. We have already come across the chairman at this meeting: Col. J.R. Morton Ball. The County Chairman for the appeal for volunteers was Col. Ricardo; the vice-chairman was Sir Percival Scrope Marling V.C. (local mill family, educated Harrow and Sandhurst) and he led the discussions after revealing ‘that just before he went to Egypt in January, Col. Ricardo asked for his help in this matter in the event of a strike, and he consented, although somewhat against his will, as he thought a younger man could do it better.’

Mr. Harper was not intimidated by Sir Percival’s imperial aura, however, as revealed in what feels like a somewhat heated exchange of words, as reported in the Stroud Journal May 7.

Mr. Harper wanted to know the definition of ‘volunteer services.’ Sir Percival’s answer was curt and to the point: ‘They will carry on essential services.’ Mr. Harper equally curtly demanded a definition of essential services. Sir Percival’s definition mentioned the transportation of food and fuel etc. Mr. Harper then asked if there had been any instructions received from the Government; the Chairman replied affirmatively and monosyllabically. Mr. Harper’s rejoinder employed a Dickensian trope: ‘This is a lot of humbug to run volunteer services …’

Discussion then politely turned to whether members of the local Trades and Labour Council would volunteer; interestingly (and disingenuously?), Mr. Harper said that was happening. But after the chairman affirmed that ‘maintenance of food, fuel and water and light were essential for the benefit of the community’, Mr. Harper asked the chairman to ‘read from the card’ what the volunteers were to do and after hearing that the volunteers filled in their own card, Mr. Harper sharply said, ‘They won’t volunteer to go down the mines I suppose.’ The chairman’s reply was slightly oracular in that ‘volunteers were wanted solely for handling and transporting the necessary food, fuel, light and power’, but then went on to say ‘or to perform such other duties which might be held by the Civil Commissioners to be essential for the maintenance and well-being of the country.’ Sir Percival cleared the air, perhaps, by declaring, ‘We are recruiting for the well-being of the community and not for the purpose of strike-breaking.’

Mr. Harper stood his ground when the formation of a committee was proposed and seconded; this lone left-wing voice in the wilderness moved that such a decision should be deferred ‘for a fortnight so that they might see how it went … it had all been done behind their backs. The Emergency Order, the appointment of officials etc., had all been done prior to this trouble. The Government had been talking peace and declaring for war at the same time.’

The report in the Stroud Journal finished abruptly: ‘Chairman: Your amendment is a direct negative. The resolution was carried. Mr. Harper voting against it.’

In consequence, over two hundred volunteers were registered within three days: ‘very satisfactory’ said the newspaper, together with its appeal from ‘the authorities’ for the loan of ‘motor cars, lorries and motor cycles.’ By the end of the strike, 362 volunteers came forward, ‘including 29 lorry drivers, 114 motor car drivers, 6 engine drivers, 13 firemen and 10 women helpers. Altogether, 6 lorries, 58 motor cars and 28 motor cycles were placed at the disposal of the local committee, and were made good use of.’

 

The Stroud Journal made, to say the least, minimal efforts to present both sides of the story during the nine days and beyond: ‘This challenge to constitutional authority, if it is not withdrawn or speedily defeated, means trouble on a scale such as this country has never before experienced’ – the newspaper saw itself and its role, in effect, as a means of defeating the strike – whilst simultaneously boosting circulation and profit. Hence the warm tone of its NOTICE TO “JOURNAL” READERS on May 7: ‘The Stroud Journal will be published as usual each week, with the usual features. As a great demand for the paper is expected, special orders should be sent at once to the Publishing Office, Lansdown, Stroud.’

It wedded itself firmly with the BBC and the Government, too; it reached an ‘arrangement with the local agent for the Stanley Radio Company’, on Tuesday May 4, so that ‘Government reports concerning the strike broadcast by the B.B.C.’ could be publicly posted in Lansdown, Stroud, outside the offices of the newspaper each day. Readers of the newspaper might well forget the possibility of reading The British Worker or of trying to get hold of a copy of the Gloucester Strike Bulletin, or even studying the governmental mouthpiece, The British Gazette, if they did not possess a wireless, when they saw this in the Stroud Journal:

Official Strike News

Broadcast by the Government is being

Posted Outside the “Journal” Office

EACH DAY

The next edition of the newspaper, on the 14th, carried none of the Stroud news from the Gloucester Strike Bulletin Monday May 10: ‘meetings are being held at Stroud. Position satisfactory and orderly’ or Wednesday May 12: ‘The Stroud Council of Action reports the following strike position: N.U.R. and A.S.L.E. & F. Solid as ever. PRINTERS – Solid as ever, position unchanged. R.C.A.  Solid as ever, position unchanged. A.E.U. Some out, rest ready to come out on receiving instructions from Head Office. BUILDING TRADES Majority out, rest awaiting instructions. Greeting to all fellow workers who are fighting for justice and humanity. Keep solid and the fight is ours! Council of Action is now functioning, with close co-operation of all Unions and workers concerned and the necessary sub-committees are all in operation.’

Signed

A.H. Williams (Secretary)

K. Underwood (Chairman)

 

This is tantalising history. It looks as though the Council of Action was formed too late during the nine days to have had any impact and, indeed, leave any records. This is almost reminiscent of EP Thompson and ‘rescuing the poor and anonymous from the enormous condescension of posterity’ … but imagine if the strike had continued. There could have been a very different picture of Stroud during the General Strike, for as Ralph Anstis stated in Blood on Coal: the lack of central direction from the TUC General Council meant that local trade union branches and strike committees took over, some becoming ‘remarkably efficient; they ran sub-committees for food, workers’ defence, intelligence, sports, communications, prisoners aid, mass picketing and others.’ And as the nine days progressed these local strike committees ‘developed into organs of government themselves’ – Ralph Anstis argued that their power grew as the strike progressed, indicated by the growing number of employers who approached the committees ‘for permission to do certain things like moving food and coal. The hitherto cap-in-hand position between employer and employee was reversed.’

 

But what national strike news would local residents have read about or listened to (or not) between May 7 and the next edition of the Stroud Journal on May 14?

On May 7, the Archbishop of Canterbury announced proposals for a settlement (printed in the British Worker but not in the British Gazette nor broadcast on the BBC); Sir Herbert Samuel (who had headed the earlier Royal Commission about the mines) returned from holiday to approach the TUC General Council with an offer of mediation, emphasising that he was acting unofficially, with no governmental authority; they met, without informing the miners.

On May 8, an armed convoy transported food supplies in London; plans were announced for a Civil Reserve Constabulary (steel helmets and truncheons). The government declared that any member of the armed forces would receive full governmental support for any action they deem necessary to take “in an honest endeavour to aid the Civil Power.”

On May 9, Cardinal Bourne declared the General Strike a sin against God at High Mass; the army placed a cordon around London Docks; TUC leaders informed miners’ leaders of Samuel’s recommendations which included wage cuts; the Miners’ Federation Executive declared wage cuts unacceptable, as they did on the 10th when they met with Samuel and the TUC Negotiating Committee. Many arrests were mentioned on the BBC. The TUC General Council sent out this rallying call to those out on strike: “Stand firm. Be loyal to instructions and trust your leaders.”

The second wave of shipbuilding and engineering workers was called out on the 11th – the Transport and General Workers Union leadership published this message: “Hold fast. We must see the miners through.” Justice Astbury declared the General Strike illegal and that trade union funds could not be legally used for strike pay; the TUC General Council accepted the final draft of the Samuel Memorandum; the MFGB Executive rejected it as it involved wage cuts.

On May 12, the TUC General Council informed the Prime Minister that the General Strike was unconditionally called off. On May 13, came the realisation that the settlement failed to protect the miners; widespread employer victimisation followed as people returned to work; many workers went back on strike: there were more out today than on any previous day.

The Stroud Journal on May 14 had the headline GENERAL STRIKE TERMINATED

‘The General Strike which began at midnight on Monday, May 3rd, ended on Wednesday in an unconditional withdrawal of the strike notices by the General Council of the Trade Union Congress.’ Then came the official communique from Whitehall, then Arthur Cook’s official statement from the miners, followed by Stanley Baldwin’s “A Victory for Common-sense” statement in the House of Commons, then the message from the King “To My People: “Bring into being a lasting Peace”.

The feature concluded with this strapline: The Aftermath – Question of taking back Strikers.

‘His Majesty’s Government have no power to compel employers to take back every man who has been on strike, nor have they entered into any obligation of any kind in this matter.

Some displacements are inevitable in view of the reduction of business consequent upon the strike, as well as any obligations … towards volunteers … Attention is, however, drawn to the hope expressed by the Prime Minister, in his statement to the House of Commons that “we should resume our work in a spirit of co-operation, putting behind us all malice and vindictiveness.”’

With the GWR so important to the locality and with so many local GWR men so solid during the strike, and then staying out after May 12, and with ‘Men Offered Re-instatement but Refuse’, these words were particularly resonant. But the newspaper was, of course, jubilant in tone and content: ‘The news that the T.U.C. had decided to call off the General Strike was … received in Stroud during Wednesday dinner-time with universal feelings of relief. The welcome bulletin was posted outside the “Journal” office a few minutes after the announcement had been made by wireless, and large crowds quickly gathered round the notice board.’

But how did the end of the strike go down on the local railways?

The GWR station master at Stroud acted initially on official orders from Paddington, informing returning employees that he could not, as yet, reinstate them. Similarly, on the LMS, there was no immediate reinstatement. Then, after company telegrams, the GWR station master was officially instructed to reinstate specified, notified, employees. They refused to return, pending Union instructions, and until all of those who had been on strike were reinstated. The local NUR secretary, Mr. Wake, affirmed that all of the Stroud branch were ‘standing solidly together’ and that the Railway workers had met in the Liberal Hall to unanimously pass this resolution: “That this meeting of the members in this district of the R.C.A, the A.S.L. and F., and the N.U.R. hereby pledge our loyalty to each other and to the Joint Executive of the three Unions. Further, we pledge ourselves to stand firm for the re-instatement of every man who came out on strike at the call of the T.U.C.”

The newspaper followed this news with the strapline BACK TO NORMAL NEXT WEEK? and with a statement from an ‘official of the Railway Information Bureau’ who said he hoped for restored railway normality ‘next week.’ But the official offered a new definition of ‘normal’ (not that the Stroud Journal said so): employees would only ‘be taken back where there was work for them. It was explained that with disorganisation of business some big industries could not get going at once, and there would not be the same work for the railways.’

Similarly, some local engineers, who had been called out on the second wave by the TUC on the last day of the strike, and then returned to work later in the day when the strike was terminated, ‘were told that at present they would not be re-instated.’ The Stroud Journal did not mention that this was hardly in the spirit of the King’s Message or the Prime Minister’s speech: “we should resume our work in a spirit of co-operation, putting behind us all malice and vindictiveness.”

Had there been any malice and vindictiveness in the streets of Stroud and beyond during the nine days? There is an absence of evidence on that question – which may, of course, suggest peaceful streets. The Stroud Journal praised local reserve constables who ‘again donned their uniform’ and the large enrolment of ‘efficient and highly satisfactory’ special constables.’ Significantly, the feature finished with the lofty tone of this sentence: ‘We have been fortunate in this locality in that no disturbances have taken place, which speaks well for the hundreds of men who have been unemployed.’ Indeed, the only court cases that I chanced upon in the May 21 edition of the newspaper involved bicycles (one speeding) and the parking of a motor car.

In consequence, it’s easy to imagine that Beatrice Webb’s diary entry for Monday May 3 could also ring true for Stroud’s comfortably-off: ‘The net impression left on my mind is that the General Strike will turn out not to be a revolution of any sort but a batch of compulsory Bank Holidays without any opportunity for recreation and a lot of dreary walking to and fro.’

And then there is the resonant reassurance of the King’s diary: ‘Our old country can be well proud of itself, as during the last nine days there has been a strike in which four million people have been affected, not a shot has been fired and no-one has been killed, it shows what a wonderful people we are.’

But we shouldn’t forget that nationally ‘there were outbreaks of violence. There was, for instance, a major riot at Swindon on Thursday when a crowd of thousands, including women with aprons full of stones, prevented the first trams from returning to the streets’ (Chris Farman The General Strike). Swindon, that key GWR town with a railway factory of well over 10,000 employees, just thirty miles or so up the line from Stroud, was rock-solid in the General Strike and would, no doubt, have exercised its influence along the mute branch line west to Stroud.

Talking of muteness, and the lack of sustained evidence about the General Strike in the Stroud area, we have no figures about how many copies of the British Gazette, or the British Worker were read or shared in Stroud, nor the Communist Party’s Workers’ Bulletin, nor the Gloucester Strike Bulletin. The Stroud Journal, as we have seen, not only carried on with its publication, but also circulated the ‘official’ news from the BBC outside its offices. The wireless had an incalculable but huge influence during the nine days throughout the country: the TUC Intelligence Committee reported that ‘Many districts … have complained of the lack of reliable news and in isolated places the workers must have been without any source of information except the wireless’ and ‘Though the publication of the British Gazette had little influence upon public opinion, the wireless and the newspapers which improved day by day as the Strike proceeded, did exert some influence.’

The publication of the Stroud Journal is an interesting case-study in itself. On Thursday May 4, the Gloucester Strike Bulletin reported: ‘We have just received the news that the Stroud Branch of the Typographical Association have decided by a large majority to cease work.’ Ten days later, the right-wing ramblings found in ‘Jottings by Jonathan’ in the Stroud Journal ran thus: ‘Last week the broad-cast news included the announcement that “The Stroud Journal” would be published as usual. This week the Newspaper Society stated that “The Union members of the “Stroud Journal” have decided to return to work.” But they never ceased work. They were too sensible to follow the false and illegal lead given them in other parts of the country. At Dursley “The Gazette” men were less wise, but the proprietors by dint of hard working and contriving, brought out their paper, and then promptly notified the strikers that if they did not turn up on Monday morning their places would be filled by other men …’

Jonathan didn’t mention the Gloucester Strike Bulletin’s news from Sharpness from Wednesday May 12: ‘Many of the workers in Sharpness district refused to take last Wednesday’s issue of the “Dursley Gazette” and will refuse to buy it again until the whole of the “Gazette” staff is back at work. The members of the “Gazette” staff are on strike and the proprietors of the “Gazette” have declared that these men will be dismissed.’

And so to the aftermath of the General Strike in Stroud. On May 15, the Stroud Branch of the National Union of Textile Workers discussed the matter of support for cases of hardship amongst those who had been on strike, led by the treasurer of the distress committee, Alderman F. Wake, J.P., who ‘explained that there would be cases of hardship, and they were all anxious to relieve such cases as much as possible, as those who were suffering were doing so in the interest of all workers. He recognised that the textile workers had worked a lot of short time, so he left it to them to do the best they could. It was unanimously agreed to support the distress fund and collecting sheets were taken by representatives from every mill.’ (Stroud Journal May 21)

On Wednesday May 12, the Gloucester Strike Bulletin had cheerfully announced that A large Labour Demonstration will be held on Sunday May 16th, leaving Lansdown at 2.30 p.m. proceeding to Frome-hall Park with a band. Speakers: Morgan Jones and Dan Griffiths. A meeting will be held at night in the Cooperative Hall, Cainscross at 7.30 p.m. Speakers: Mr. G. Hall and Dan Griffiths. All supporters of the cause are heartily invited to join the procession.’ When the meeting was held, in the wake of the ending of the strike and with no settlement for the miners, it was, of course, important to raise Labour and trade union spirits and look to the future.

The Stroud Journal on May 21 reported on the May Day celebration held … under the joint auspices of the Stroud Division Labour Party and Trades and Labour Council.’ There was a procession, with a band, ‘red banners flying’, to the meeting ‘attended by several hundreds.’ The prospective Labour candidate, Dan Griffiths, sent this message: “I shall be with you in spirit at your May Celebration. I trust the day is not far distant when the workers all the world over will come into their own.”

The next speaker, Mr. Webb, also spoke with an uplifting tone, ‘pointing out how the older men of the movement had been looking forward to the day when the united workers of the country and the whole world would realise what a mighty power they had in their hands if they desired to use it, and when they would throw down the challenge to those of the employing class who had been crushing the worker under its heel.’

The next speaker, Mr. Hiatt, started by emphasising that the strike had not been a challenge to the constitution; it was an industrial dispute. He went on to say that ‘the dispute had shown the working people of the country their real power, and it had shown how false the conception … that capital was the main spring of industry.’ Trade Unions would continue to progress, he said, and the movement ‘had tasted power, and it needed only men of goodwill, sound judgement, and of understanding’ to use ‘power wisely …Industrially and politically, they were never nearer their goal’, he concluded.

The final speaker was Mr. Morgan Jones, M.P., from a mining constituency. Although he, too, emphasised that the strike had been an industrial dispute not a revolutionary constitutional challenge, he also emphasised that the nine-day working class solidarity just shown was globally and historically unique. He asserted that future progress would rest upon a fusion of the ‘Trade Union movement on the one hand as an industrial weapon, and of the political Labour Party as a political weapon … Now was the time to reflect and reconsider and … he urged that at the next election they would place a cross against the name of his good friend, Dan Griffiths (applause).’

But now to finish our account of the aftermath of the strike, the last words come from Percival S. Marling and Henry Ricardo:

(To the Editor of the “Stroud Journal’)

Sir – Now that the General Strike is, as we hope, happily ended … I should like, as Chairman of the Volunteer Services Committee for Essential Services for Stroud and District, to thank the Stroud Urban District Council for the use of the room at the Town Hall, Stroud, and also to thank all those who have so loyally helped the Recruiting Committee … The total number recruited up to May 11th was 362. I think we who live in the Stroud area have just cause to congratulate ourselves on the excellent behaviour and good temper shown by all sections of the community during the past trying fortnight.

Yours truly,

PERCIVAL S. MARLING

Stanley Park, Stroud,

May 15th, 1926

 

Shire Hall,

Gloucester,

17th May, 1926

My dear Marling,

Will you kindly convey to the voluntary workers who assisted in the registration and employment of volunteers in your Area the appreciation of the Civil Commissioner of the South Western Division for their loyal assistance in the national crisis, and as Chairman of the Committee for the County of Gloucestershire may I add my own.

The arrangements in the County have worked most admirably, thanks to the prompt and efficient help we have received, while the offers for assistance which went far beyond what it was in the smallest degree possible to make use of, have shown that the spirit of the County was as fine as it always has been.

Yours sincerely,

RICARDO

Chairman

 

 

 

 

A Stroud Supermarket General Strike Centenary Ramble

It’s easy to forget that a walk around our local supermarkets

Can take you back in a glance to the early twentieth century:

Names like Coronation Road, King’s Road, Queen’s Road,

With the red brick villas lining the streets:

Their soot mixed with mortar like a chequer board,

To save on the costs of sand before the Great War,

With Stonehouse brick stamped with the company’s insignia

On garden walls, to remind us of those vast brickworks

Stretching along the railway line at Stonehouse.

When you reach Spillman’s, busy with traffic,

Imagine vegetables not cars growing in the front gardens,

‘Old Tom’, the horse, chewing on the carrots,

Kept him going on his deliveries rattling
Over the cobblestones of Rodborough’s roads:
Coal and milk and spuds and beer and bread,
And, of course, the fishmonger, basket on head –
But there would be no coal delivered in early May 1926.

Then down we go to the Nailsworth branch line,
And as you step across the bridge,
It’s easy to miss Industry’s footprint,
Lost in the elder, primrose, ash and willow.
But see the rusting mighty iron capstans,
One, now toppled, but one still firm and strong,
Once used for winching trucks down the gas works siding,
To a coal tippler (concrete remains there still),
Where a hydraulic ram tipped the trucks’ coal
Down a chute to a narrow gauge hopper,
And thence over two bridges and the Frome,
To its destination at Stroud Gasworks –

But there was a nine-day General Strike in May 1926,

And the miners were locked-out until November.

About 2,000 persons went on short-time working

During the General Strike in Stroud

As a consequence of a shortage of coal,

With the GWR and LMS on strike;

200 men and 300 women out of work too;

This is the roll-call of firms mentioned in the press:

Holloway Bros. Ltd., Apperley Curtis Co., Ltd., Copeland, Chatterson and Co., Ltd., Stroud Metal Co., Ltd., G. Waller and Son Ltd., Phoenix Iron Works, Thrupp, Charfield, the Woodworkers Co., Charles Hooper and Co., Bonds Mill, Eastington, Messrs. Vowles and Son Ltd., Upper Mills, Stonehouse, Newman, Hender and Co., near Nailsworth, Howard and Powell, of Walbridge, T.B. Worth and Sons, Ltd., Ham Mills, Erinoid Ltd., Lightpill,

Marling and Evans Ltd., are carrying on as usual. Holloway Bros., Ltd., are closing down three days a week. Hill, Paul and Co., are hindered by transport difficulties. The Chalford Stick Mills are carrying on as usual. Henry Workman, Ltd., Woodchester, are keeping on as long as they can in the interests of their employees, hours of labour etc., being the same as usual.

Walker Bros., Dunkirk Mills, are keeping on as usual, but do not know for how long. E.A. Chamberlain and Co., Nailsworth, are carrying on as usual with short shifts.

 

Now let’s walk past more supermarkets to reach the railway station,

Buy yourself a coffee, sit back on the platform,

Gaze up and down the line and recall …

‘None of the local railway services have been in operation since the declaration of the general strike … At Stroud 75 men out of 84 are on strike at the G.W.R. All are out at Chalford. 13 out of 27 have struck on the L.M.S., one or two working at Nailsworth, Woodchester and Dudbridge. Altogether, in our district, we understand that there are over 200 railwaymen who have ceased work.

Mr. F.E. Wake, J.P., C.C. (secretary of the local branch of the N.U.R.) said that 98% of his members in the Stroud area were out, and that everything was proceeding in a quiet and orderly manner. That morning he had received the following telegram from Mr. T.C. Cramp, the general secretary of the Union: “Position unchanged, no wavering anywhere. Pickets should wear prominent badges. All other members, far as possible, must keep off the streets.”’

 

As for the canals, the Thames & Severn was falling into disrepair,

There was a confrontation between police and dockers at Gloucester,

When an attempt was made to prevent

Traffic on the Gloucester & Sharpness Canal,

There may have been some trows sailing along

The Stroudwater Navigation

(We are researching even as I write),

But I think I’ll walk along the towpath now to Cainscross

Past the Co-op supermarket to the old Co-op building,

And remember these words from the Gloucester Strike Bulletin:

‘Council of Action is now functioning, with close co-operation of all Unions and workers concerned and the necessary sub-committees are all in operation. A large Labour Demonstration will be held on Sunday May 16th, leaving Lansdown at 2.30 p.m. proceeding to Frome-hall Park with band. Speakers: Morgan Jones and Dan Griffiths. A meeting will be held at night in the Cooperative Hall, Cainscross at 7.30 p.m. Speakers: Mr. G. Hall and Dan Griffiths. All supporters of the cause are heartily invited to join the procession.

Signed

A.H. Williams (Secretary)

K. Underwood (Chairman)’

I’ll walk back to Rodborough past the old council houses

Behind Stratford Road by the bridge over the railway line,

Wheatley’s Housing Act and the 1924 Labour Government,

Passing through my mind as I make my way to the canal,

Past the old mills, sluice gate and chimney,

Thence back to the Bath Road and along to Walkley Hill.

As you climb up towards the church, glance to your left,

You will see a long line of large houses,

One showing its date of construction:

1926,

But they are all pretty much of that time …

Did work stop on Walkley Hill in May that year?

The Gloucester Strike Bulletin on Wednesday May 12:

‘The Stroud Council of Action reports the following strike position: N.U.R. and A.S.L.E. & F. Solid as ever. PRINTERS – Solid as ever, position unchanged. R.C.A.  Solid as ever, position unchanged. A.E.U. Some out, rest ready to come out on receiving instructions from Head Office. BUILDING TRADES Majority out, rest awaiting instructions.’

As a counter-point to that, here are the right-wing ramblings

Aka ‘Jottings of Jonathan’, Stroud Journal, May 14:

‘It would be idle to ignore the fact that too often trade union action has militated against the best interests of the public. As an example, it is only necessary to mention the building trade, with the embargo set up by the limitation of output in conjunction with the demand for high wages.’

Whatever.

I’ve reached home now and the fireside.

It’s time to conclude with a few jottings of my own

To remind myself of the time and tide of May 1926:

What was Stroud and the Five Valleys like back then?

I mean the atmosphere in the streets and lanes and fields and shops and schools and pubs …

Was it like this?

Beatrice Webb diary Monday May 3rd

‘The net impression left on my mind is that the General Strike will turn out not to be a revolution of any sort but a batch of compulsory Bank Holidays without any opportunity for recreation and a lot of dreary walking to and fro …’

 

Beatrice Webb diary Tuesday May 4th

‘The sensation of a general strike which stops the press, as witnessed from a cottage in the country, centres round the headphones of the wireless set.’

GLOUCESTER STRIKE BULLETIN FRIDAY MAY 7

WITH THE WORKERS

Impressions of a stroll round the City

(By our Correspondent)

‘Amongst the black-coated workers the response among the railway clerks is very satisfactory. There was nothing doing on the goods yards of both the railways … It is a sight to see the railway metals beginning to rust owing to the absence of trains. The empty stations and the silence, where once was all noise, indicates the greatness and completeness of the workers’ protest of the crime that is being committed by the coal owners against the miners and against the supineness of a government that sits by with folded hands and allows the sands to run out. Never has Gloucester seen anything like this before …’

But higher up the social scale:

Sir Philip Gibbs: ‘Those of us who have wireless sets, especially those of us who live in the country districts as I do, have been sitting up late at night to get any word over the wireless waves which might mean hope and peace.’

12 May King George the V’s diary

‘Our old country can be well proud of itself, as during the last nine days there has been a strike in which four million people have been affected, not a shot has been fired and no-one has been killed, it shows what a wonderful people we are.’

But, of course, nationally, ‘there were outbreaks of violence. There was, for instance, a major riot at Swindon on Thursday when a crowd of thousands, including women with aprons full of stones, prevented the first trams from returning to the streets.’ (Chris Farman The General Strike)

But I conclude with a key section of the Prime Minister’s speech:

“we should resume our work in a spirit of co-operation, putting behind us all malice and vindictiveness.”

Had there been any malice and vindictiveness in the streets of Stroud and beyond during the nine days? There is a tantalising absence of evidence on that question – the lack of evidence may, of course, suggest peaceful streets. The Stroud Journal talked of local reserve constables who ‘again donned their uniform’ and of the large enrolment of ‘efficient and highly satisfactory’ special constables.’ Significantly, the feature finished with the lofty tone of this sentence: ‘We have been fortunate in this locality in that no disturbances have taken place, which speaks well for the hundreds of men who have been unemployed.’ Indeed, the only court cases that I chanced upon in the May 21 edition of the newspaper involved bicycles (one speeding) and the parking of a motor car.

Addendum:

Extra detail for your walk, firstly from the Citizen:

‘Stroud and district, one of the biggest industrial areas in the county, is already seriously affected by the strike …on Thursday morning over 200 additional men and 300 additional women signed on at the local Employment Exchanges. In the main these comprise employees of Messrs. Holloway Bros. Ltd., who closed down on Wednesday evening until Monday, when they will work three days a week. At the end of the week, Messrs. Apperley Curtis Co., Ltd., woollen cloth manufacturers of Dudbridge, close down for a week, affecting about 170 employees and will afterwards open for three days a week. As a result Messrs. Copeland, Chatterson and Co., Ltd., loose-leaf manufacturers of Dudbridge, and the Stroud Metal Co., Ltd., of the same locality, firms who are supplied with power from Messrs. Apperley, Curtis and Co., will also close down until further notice and Messrs. Copeland Chatterson and Co., for a week, to recommence operations at three days a week. In the case of the last named firm 100 hands are affected, and as regards the Metal Co., some 120 employees will be out … it appears that firms are, generally speaking, full up with orders, indicating a revival in trade, but owing to difficulties with transport and restrictions as to use of coal, they are unable to carry on as usual. In many cases shortened hours will be worked but regarding Messrs. G. Waller and Son Ltd., Phoenix Iron Works, Thrupp, it is understood from a reliable source that at the end of the week they will close down for the duration of the strike. Some 220 hands being involved. At Charfield, the Woodworkers Co., employing about 170 hands, close down on Friday evening for a week, but re-open on the Monday week following while Messrs. Charles Hooper and Co., woollen cloth manufacturers, Bonds Mill, Eastington, have decided to work a week and “play” a week, some 150 hands being concerned. Messrs. Vowles and Son Ltd., brush manufacturers, of Upper Mills, Stonehouse, have decided upon working half-time, but in addition they have definitely suspended about 50 per cent. of their workforce (about 100) because of the shortage of raw material. Thus, locally, taking also smaller firms into consideration, nearly 2,000 workers are affected, in addition to the number actually involved in the strike.’

The “Stroud Journal” of May 7 carried a similar report but with these additional firms and industries:

‘In every case the goods are held up owing to lack of transport. Newman, Hender and Co., near Nailsworth, state that they will keep running as long as fuel and raw materials permits. Manufactures are being stored in the warehouses, as they are unable to be despatched.

Howard and Powell, of Walbridge, are at present unaffected except with regard to transport. They are carrying on as usual while cutting down coal consumption as much as possible. T.B. Worth and Sons, Ltd., Ham Mills, started yesterday (Thursday) working from 9 to 5, and not working Saturdays. This is entirely owing to the coal limitation, and the firm will carry on like this as long as raw materials will permit.

Erinoid Ltd., Lightpill, are at the moment maintaining trade with Birmingham, but there is nothing doing in London owing to power being cut off … Consequently, the sales side of the business is restricted, but the works are carrying on to the end of the week. Beyond this prospects are undecided.

Marling and Evans Ltd., are carrying on as usual. days a week. Hill, Paul and Co., are hindered by transport difficulties.

The Chalford Stick Mills are carrying on as usual. Henry Workman, Ltd., Woodchester, are keeping on as long as they can in the interests of their employees, hours of labour etc., being the same as usual.

Walker Bros., Dunkirk Mills, are keeping on as usual, but do not know for how long.

E.A. Chamberlain and Co., Nailsworth, are carrying on as usual with short shifts which have been reduced from two 12 ones to two 8 hours ones. Otherwise, everything is normal and they have a good supply of coal.’