Sapperton 1926 and the General Strike

When my father grew old, his grasp for words became slower and his frustration greater. We sometimes took him for a car ride around his Gloucestershire haunts.
We would end at a pub, often in Frampton Mansell, and he would sit, making a half pint last forever, with a look of complete contentment on his face as he watched his grandchildren.
A serenity not granted often.
A time when the words he struggled to find were replaced by pictures, a slide show of his past.
Perhaps, it would start with an image conjured by his elder sister’s loving poem to him…

When we were young and full of fun
And all our days were carefree
Do you remember that September
We climbed the old pear tree?

 

Next slide, please.

He saw his mother, a substantial Victorian presence, who, it was rumoured, would play a piano hauled onto the green in Frampton Mansell. Perhaps he saw her at a party in their London flat when he lay on the floorboards and watched bewitched as puffs of dust rose with her every step.
Or maybe the firework night when his father’s rocket careered into the fuel store. ‘Best firework night ever.’

Next slide, please.

Perhaps he saw, 1921, living in a rented Nissen hut, once used by the WW1 Australian Air Force, at the edge of Minchinhampton Common. A hut so large that he learnt to ride a bike in it. A hut so haunting that he never ate chicken after a door swung closed in a dark pantry, with half-dead birds hanging from a hook.

Next slide, please.

He is sitting on a fence at Sapperton tunnels when a Star in the shape of 4056 Princess Margaret thunders out, shrouded in steam. Golden Valley bound. He carefully writes her number into his notebook and pockets the stub of pencil.

Next slide, please.

He’s eleven years old. Still watching the line, but no trains pass. It is 1926, The General Strike. Trains won’t run until a fortnight has passed. No whistles pierce the night in his Nissen hut.

 

1926 with Nock and Potts on the GWR

The GWR and the General Strike

May 2nd Sir Felix Pole GWR General Manager sent the following message to all GWR stations and departments:

‘The National Union of Railwaymen have intimated that railwaymen have been asked to strike without notice tomorrow night. Each Great Western man has to decide his course of action, but I appeal to you all to hesitate before you break your contracts of service with the old company, before you inflict grave damage upon the railway industry and before you arouse ill-feeling in the railway service which will take years to remove. Railway Companies and railwaymen have demonstrated that they can settle their disputes by direct negotiations. The mining industry should be advised to do the same.

Remember that your means of living and your personal interests are involved, and that Great Western men are trusted to be loyal to their conditions of service by the same manner as they expect the company to carry out their obligations and agreements.’

 

History of the Great Western Railway Volume 3 1923-1947

O.S. Nock

(Taken pretty well verbatim from the book but enumerated for ease of reading)

  1. ‘At first there was a fairly general cessation of traffic; indeed despite the undertaking given by the NUR and ASLEF to run food trains, large quantities of fish were held up at Milford Haven without means of rail or road transport, resulting in 2,000 women workers being thrown out of employment, unless the fish were removed. The Great Western took the matter immediately in hand.’
  2. ‘In the London area some stopping trains were worked on the main line on the first day … one from Oxford to Paddington stopping at all stations …The Irish Mail from Fishguard … worked through to London, stopping at principal and many other stations.’
  3. ‘A steady stream of volunteers presented themselves for work on the railway and were allotted duties wherever possible.’
  4. ‘From that start, transport facilities rapidly improved, with the aid of volunteers, and a number of company’s men who remained loyal.’
  5. ‘On the railways as a whole, a good number of steam operated suburban routes on all lines had trains, while the nucleus of main-line facilities was generally built up from the Wednesday onwards with improvement day by day, including many branch line trains.’
  6. ‘Further, while volunteer labour was a very big item, increasing numbers of railwaymen came back, so that quite early in the strike it was estimated that, including those who did not go out, upwards of 100,000 railwaymen were at work. But, as with the volunteers, many of those required training before they could be utilised for operating duties. Volunteer labour was throughout very plentiful, and although there was in many cases a demand greater than the supply for enginemen and signalmen, large numbers of the offers of assistance could not be utilised.’
  7. ‘An interesting feature was that on several lines the students from engineering colleges and other institutions were recruited; their technical knowledge enabled them to adapt themselves to their new duties rapidly and readily.’
  8. ‘At the start of the strike it was decided to keep simplified operating methods and this eventually became the limiting factor in the number of trains that could be run. To extend railway services to any great extent would have involved many of the complications of standard railway working.’
  9. ‘Even so, as the volunteers became more and more familiar with the work, it was found possible to add very considerably to the number of passenger trains run, and gradually to increase to a substantial degree the number of goods trains operated.’
  10. ‘Trains run on the GWR: May 4 194 May 5 250 May 6 300 May 7 479 May 8 500 May 9 520 May 10 908 May 11 1,025 May 12 1,297 May 13 1,385 May 14 1,517.’
  11. ‘One remarkable feature of strike working on the Great Western Railway was its ability, not only to deal with the normal ocean passenger and mail business through Plymouth, but to handle additional calls and landings diverted into that port. Twenty boats called to land 3,000 passengers and seven special trains were run to London. In other cases the two trains regularly run at 9.25 a.m. and 12.30 p.m. to Paddington were used.’
  12. ‘When the strike broke out the dock lines were badly congested with goods wagons; but volunteer labour was eventually able to clear the running lines to enable the boat passengers to entrain alongside the docks waiting rooms as usual for the direct run thence to Paddington. In addition to the inwards traffic three embarkations were arranged including a special call of the P. & O. Company’s Kaiser-i-Hind for which a restaurant car special was run from Paddington.’
  13. ‘In addition to what might be termed the more “glamorous” jobs for volunteers, such as engine driving and firing, and the manning of signal boxes, men and women of every estate buckled to on every kind of humdrum job, such as goods and passenger porters, ticket collectors, van drivers and such like. The amount of sheer physical work done by volunteers in handling food, milk, eggs and urgent parcels was prodigious; while the part played by women, including several titled ladies in tending the large stables at Paddington is a reminder of the extent to which the GWR relied upon horse-drawn lorries for delivery of good in the London area. Elderly railwaymen, long since retired, turned out to help, and a former station-master of Paddington acted as a volunteer guard on the Minehead branch,’
  14. ‘On 11th May, the following circular was issued by Sir Felix Pole: “A stage has now been reached in the strike when it can be said with confidence that railway services are improving each day, and I should like to offer my very hearty congratulations and thanks to all the officers, loyal staff and volunteers who have risen so splendidly to the occasion and who are responsible for this satisfactory state of affairs.” At the same time another was issued by Sir Felix Pole: “The word ‘victimisation’ has often been used in connection with strikes. In the experience of the Great Western Railway it has usually been imported at the end of a strike, the trade unions invariably asking that there should be no victimisation. The present strike not only differs from previous strikes in that it is not associated with any dispute or labour question affecting the company, but because of the fact that victimisations started with the strike, the victim in this case being the Great Western Railway Company. It is indeed true to say that the country as a whole is being victimised by a strike which is the blackest day in the history of Labour in this Country. That thousands of men with no grievance against their employers should have been ‘instructed’ to leave work, and that so many of them should have done so, passes all comprehension. It can only be explained on the ground that there was a deep conspiracy against the State. Thank God such a conspiracy cannot succeed and can only result in the discrediting of its promoters and the disillusionment of those who have been used as pawns in the game.”
  15. ‘The same evening the Prime Minister broadcast to the nation. I well remember listening to that broadcast through the headphones attached to a primitive “crystal set”. Broadcasting was then in its infancy, and many people like myself were probably hearing Stanley Baldwin’s deep resonant voice for the first time. Earlier in the day Mr. Justice Astbury had declared the strike illegal, and the next morning a deputation from the Trade Union Council waited upon the Prime Minister to tell him of their decision to call off the strike, unconditionally. There was, nevertheless, a certain hesitancy on the part of the railwaymen to return to work at once, and on Thursday and Friday … there were long meetings between Union leaders and the railway managers. Eventually a settlement was signed in the afternoon of 14th May …

TERMS OF SETTLEMENT AS BETWEEN THE RAILWAY COMPANIES ON THE ONE HAND AND THE NATIONAL UNION OF RAILWAYMEN, ASSOCIATED SOCIETY OF LOCOMOTIVE ENGINEERS AND FIREMEN, AND THE RAILWAY CLERICS’ ASSOCIATION ON THE OTHER.

  1. Those employees of the Railway Companies who have gone out on strike to be taken back to work as soon as the traffic offers and work can be found for them. The principle to be followed in reinstating to be seniority in each grade at each station, depot or office.
  2. The Trades Unions admit that in calling a strike they committed a wrongful act against the Companies, and agree that the Companies do not by reinstatement surrender their legal right to claim damages arising out of the strike from strikers and others responsible.
  3. The Unions undertake:-
  • not again to instruct their members to strike without previous negotiations with the Companies.
  • to give no support of any kind to their members who take any unauthorised action.
  • not to encourage Supervisory employees in the Special Class to take part in any strike.
  1. The Companies intimated that arising out of the strike it may be necessary to remove certain persons to other positions, but no such person’s salary or wages will be reduced. Each Company will notify the Unions within one week the names of men whom they propose to transfer and will afford each man an opportunity of having an advocate to present his case to the General Manager.
  2. The settlement shall not extend to persons who have been guilty of violence or intimidation

On behalf of the General Managers’ Conference:- FELIX J.C. POLE. H.G. BURGESS H.A. WALKER. R.L. WEDGWOOD R.H. SELBIE On behalf of the Railway Trade Unions:- J.H. Thomas C.T. CRAMP (National Union of Railwaymen) J. BROMLEY (Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen) A.G. WALKEN (Railway Clerks’ Association)

DATED THIS FOURTEENTH DAY OF MAY, NINETENN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX.

So ended the strike as far as the railways were concerned, and for industry in general. The public heaved a sigh of relief, and affairs quickly reverted to normal except, of course, that a settlement of the coal dispute was as far off as ever.’

  1. ‘Train services, as first restored, were far from normal. On the Great Western many crack expresses were temporarily withdrawn, and long-distance trains made many intermediate stops to avoid running feeder services and using additional coal. Supplies of foreign fuel were obtained, however, and as spring was followed by summer and the holiday season approached the full express service was restored …’
  2. ‘The coal strike continued throughout the summer, with little sign of conciliation on either side. Railways and particularly the Great Western were inconvenienced by the poor quality of the continental coal it was possible to import …’
  3. ‘…the prolongation of the coal strike into the autumn and early winter was, economically as well as socially, a national disaster. The country’s greatest source of indigenous wealth, the very foundation of her industrial supremacy in former years, virtually committed suicide. And South Wales, whose livelihood depended almost entirely upon the one great industry, was utterly ruined. The huge overseas markets to serve which the railways and dock facilities of the Bristol Channel ports had been built up were lost for ever …’

Open Letter to Sir Felix Pole from the Paddington Railwaymen June 1926

Sir,

The chief feature of your career as General Manager has been that which has appealed to the staff of the Great Western Railway for co-operation; urging that such was in the best interests of the men, the public, the Company.

The men for a number of years have believed you, and have been prepared to accept your advice. They have watched your movements, and for a period believed that at last they had an open and fair-minded official to deal with. Even up to the end of April they held this opinion, but even you, must recognise that, while not receiving the education to which they are entitled, they are not void of every atom of intelligence, as may be desired by the shareholding class whom you represent in the railway industry. We like you, recognise the class struggle which is being waged in Society, and again we recognise that if we are to resist the attacks of your class, we also, like you, must be organised as a class: i.e. under a single central leadership.

Having decided on this as a mass body of workers we placed our leadership in the General Council of the Trades Union Congress, and they, acting upon instructions of our Executive Committees decided that the time had arrived when the miners must be protected from the onslaught of your profit-grabbing class. It was here that you gave us a real demonstration of your co-operative spirit. You asked us to ignore our mining comrades; to let them fight a lobe battle, while we, in our turn, should stand by and see them starved into accepting the conditions your class wished to force upon them. Your circulars and pleadings, your vomitations and cries left us cold; we thought first of the “Old Company,” then you, and then our mining comrades, and finally decided our first duty was to our class and not to our enemies.

Therefore, on the morning of May the 4th, you were left in your true position to line up with the Federation of British Industries against the workers.

There is one thing we want to know. If, as you have said so often, you believed in co-operation, with decent conditions for all, why did you not join hands with that section which was attempting to carry this into effect? Why did you not point out to the mineowners that they had no right to make huge profits; live lives of gorgeous luxury; to sneer at all wage earners, and at the same time attempt to force those who had produced that profit still further down the mire of misery and poverty? Why did you not attack the mineowners? Because they belonged to the same greedy dividend-owning class as you, and we realise here that your pleas for co-operation have been so much hypocritical trash. This you have proved since the termination of the General Strike. The agreement arrived at smells of you throughout. So you have “got your own back” – we shall see. The June issue of the Great Western Railway magazine shows the shadow of “Poleism” right through. We advise all railwaymen not to buy tour anti-working class propaganda doping magazine.

Your victimising attitude since the strike shows how you intend to penalise our men. Again we say, “We shall see.” We have seen you at last in your true colours. We see you arraigned as one of the biggest advocates of Capitalism that we have ever witnessed. We see you as an advocate of further suffering for our class. But we in turn stand solid, yes, as solidly as on May 4th, and we say to you now that we know where we are, we shall continue to fight you and your class. Not only the mines, but the railways as well must be wrested from private enterprise.

Even though the General Strike has finished, our thoughts still go out to the miners. We shall support them or any other workers whenever we think fit. But there is one thing we cannot do, and that is in reference to your recent circular letter telling us that unless we speak to the “scabs” we are liable to dismissal. No man who sells his soul and his self respect to his enemies and betrays his comrades is entitled to the companionship of a class-conscious worker and we ignore your circular. It may be advisable from your point of view to post notices and agreements, but we men have yet to see the purpose, except as an insult to us, of posting them deliberately on view to the general public.

We invite you to examine the temperament of every individual who was loyal (sic) to the company, and we challenge you to pick out a real man amongst them. For, given a big enough bribe, they would sell even you to-morrow, just as you, at the bidding of a bigger salary would leave the “dear old Company” to fare for itself. Again, while your wages exceed the combined weekly wage of over fifty of our men you say the wages of the men must be reduced, and yours must be increased. We want to know on whose suggestion, and on what qualifications yours has been increased. One last word, dear Sir Felix, before we leave you to carry on the fight – a General Manager can leave the railway company for three months, and take a trip to the other side of the world, and no substitute need be found for him, but if through ill-health, death or even strikes, one of the cogs in the wheels of the railway industry, the bottom dog, leaves his post, a substitute must be found for him immediately. This then gives us the value of a General Manager, and his usefulness to the Company from which he draws such an enormous salary.

And now, au revoir, we shall meet again on the battlefield in the near future, and we shall remember your tactics in the past.

THE PADDINGTON RAILWAYMEN

 

The GWR and the General Strike The Oakwood Press C.R.Potts

Tuesday May 4

Paddington began to receive reports about attendance on the early shift at signal boxes: 10 signal boxes open in the Plymouth area; 10 signalmen reported for duty in the Worcester area; low attendance at Newport, Swansea, London, Exeter, Birmingham and Gloucester. There was a determination to get milk trains running: Gloucester managed one but not with local staff – the driver came from Bullo Pill and the guard was a Newport man. 50 UCL undergraduates sent to Royal Oak signalling school for 1 and a half hours of signalling instruction with similar amounts of instruction to come daily.

Wednesday May 5

Gloucester reported mid-afternoon that the Cirencester and Tetbury branch lines would be able to offer a service on the next day.

Friday May 7

A driver obtained for the 3.30 p.m. London to Malvern train informed the locomotive superintendent that the level crossings at Ascott, Blockley and Campden were “very uncertain”; he had been told that one of the station masters had refused to open the crossing. The Worcester superintendent was ordered to take according action.

Four trains running from Swindon to Gloucester (with two extended to Cardiff) with one train from Cardiff to Swindon via Gloucester, one from Cardiff to Gloucester, and three from Gloucester to Swindon.

Saturday May 8

Five important lines with no service listed, including Cheltenham-Bristol.

 

Sunday May 9

News came in from the Forest of Dean: the station master at Lydbrook Junction who had been out on strike, reported that he wished to return to his duties but he was not given permission to do so … However, three yard foremen at Gloucester and a Kemble signalman were allowed to return to work but with this GWR proviso: they would have to work where ordered and do any work so bidden.

 

Monday May 10

Six branch lines listed with freight services newly operating, including Fairford.

Four important lines with no service listed, still including Cheltenham-Bristol.

 

 

Tuesday May 11

An announcement from the Road Transport department that a GWR Gloucester-Cheltenham bus service should commence on Wednesday May 12. An extra train running from Cheltenham to Ludgershall on the Midland & South Western Junction Railway at 3p.m and returning at 5.40p.m.

 

Wednesday May 12

Gloucester staff support a resolution that men would return to work en bloc only.

Large consignments of flour carried from Avonmouth, Cardiff and Gloucester.

 

Thursday May 13

No staff reported for duty at Gloucester was the lunchtime message to Paddington. It was thought that no Paddington-South Wales trains (and South Wales to Paddington) could run at night as the LMS could not staff signal boxes at Standish Junction, Haresfield, Naas Crossing and Tramway Crossing.

 

The Permanent Way

Potts: ‘The track grades were almost all out (93.7%), but there were exceptions, particularly in the Gloucester and Shrewsbury divisions. At Cheltenham no less than 90 out of 117 permanent way men remained loyal, it was thought because of the personal influence of the local inspector.’

Police Department

2,202 special constables were enrolled, ‘the largest contingents being: Paddington-Southall (598), Cardiff (257), Birmingham (162), Newport (75) and Bristol (68) … Gloucester only enrolled 15 men.

Reinstatement of Junior Men in Preference to Senior Men

Gloucester is listed in the many examples reported after the strike.

16 station masters were listed who would be transferred to other positions (but without loss of pay). The list includes Churchdown.

‘In 1927 a summary statement was drawn up with action taken with men accused of violence or intimidation who had not been allowed to resume until their appeals had been heard by the General Manager (or assistant) …’

The list includes Fireman Gloucester Intim. and violence towards labourer Resumed 28.6.26  Driver    Gloucester Impeding distribution of food Resumed 15.8.26

 

STATEMENT SHEWING NUMBER OF VOLUNTEERS ENROLLED

AT CENTRES OTHER THAN PADDINGTON

Eleven Divisions are listed:

BRISTOL, EXETER, PLYMOUTH, GLOUCESTER, NEWPORT, CARDIFF,

SWANSEA, WORCESTER, BIRMINGHAM, CHESTER, OSWESTRY

The average number of volunteers enrolled per Division was about 1,000. Gloucester came in at eighth on the list with 425 enrolled. 112 were utilised: only 25 were Company’s Servants; 71 came From Outside Service and 16 were Retired Company’s Servants. Gloucester came in ninth on number not utilised with 313, of which 241 came From Outside Service; only 39 were Company’s Servants and 33 were Retired Company’s Servants.

 

 

STATEMENT SHEWING THE PERCENTAGE OF STAFF ON STRIKE DAILY

Clerical and Technical Staff Supervisory Staff: May 5 27.2% May 6 26.7% May 7 26.4% May 8 26.4% May 9 26.4% May 10 26.0% May 11 25.7% May 12 25.4% May 13 24.7% May 14 24.6%

Supervisory Staff, including Station Masters and Agents: May 5 21.0% May 6 20.5% May 7 20.4% May 8 20.6% May 9 20.6% May 10 20.4% May 11 20.5% May 12 20.4% May 13 19.9% May 14 19.6%

Engine Drivers: May 5 98.7% May 6 98.6% May 7 98.6% May 8 98.5% May 9 98.5% May 10 98.4% May 11 98.4% May 12 98.3% May 13 97.5% May 14 97.6%

Firemen: May 5 99.5% May 6 99.6% May 7 99.5% May 8 99.5% May 9 99.5% May 10 99.3% May 11 99.1% May 12 99.1% May 13 98.5% May 14 98.5%

Guards: May 5 96.6% May 6 98.5% May 7 96.4% May 8 96.2% May 9 96.2% May 10 96.3% May 11 95.9% May 12 95.6% May 13 94.5% May 14 94.2%

Signalmen: May 5 92.1% May 6 92.3% May 7 90.7% May 8 90.3% May 9 90.4% May 10 89.5% May 11 88.8% May 12 87.9% May 13 84.3% May 14 83.2%

Shunters: May 5 97.6% May 6 95.5% May 7 97.0% May 8 97.1% May 9 97.3% May 10 97.4% May 11 97.3% May 12 97.0% May 13 96.3% May 14 95.9%

 

 

GWR Voices for Performance

The Voice of C.R. Clinker (clerk at Bristol)

It would be wrong to give the impression that the General Strike was anything but a very serious calamity. Yet to a young man in his twenties, with only three years’ service, it provided an interlude in daily routine and a sense of excitement.

Monday morning’s work in the office was much as usual. But after lunch all suddenly became tense. The staff was handed a telegram from the General Manager urging each ‘Great Western man’ to hesitate before breaking his contract of service with ‘the old company’. At four we were summoned to the Board Room – the only occasion I remember seeing all the staff assembled together. We were asked to indicate on a list whether we intended to remain at work, and, if we did so, what we would undertake. It was an awesome decision. Having recently passed my Signalling exam. with 85% marks I signed up for ‘any work’ with no clear idea of what it might involve. We were told to go home and report for duty at 6a.m.

Being unable to sleep, I got up early, put a few necessaries in a small bag and walked the two and a half miles to the station, arriving there about 4.30 a.m. The scene at Temple Meads was quite extraordinary. Every platform was blocked by trains without engines. The enginemen had just detached their engines on arrival and gone to shed. In No.4 (the up main platform) stood the Penzance-Paddington Postal from which the Post Office had removed their bags. Several of the station inspectors were about, few of the Supervisory staff having joined the Strike. The refreshment rooms opened at 6a.m. as usual and promised a welcome meeting place.

At the office, it appeared that only four of the men had elected to strike, but only three of the loyal men were prepared to take on anything.

News came in that two of the station masters had struck. One, on the main line had foolishly instructed his signalman to leave the level crossing gates across the line, contrary to standing instructions. The other, on a very rural double line branch in Wiltshire, had done the same at two crossings under his supervision. I was sent to the latter [Codford] in the office car and dumped seemingly in the middle of nowhere.

Having obtained the keys of the station from the station master and locked up, I walked up the road to the village to find some lodgings for a night or two. I was kindly received at the little hotel, to whom I explained that my meal times might be irregular, and so on.

Back at the station I telephoned up and down the line to see if any train was about, but there was no news. A farmer arrived with a dozen milk churns. I had no idea of how to charge or invoice milk. We did not deal with such traffic at the station where I had trained. I accepted it, wrote out a waybill marked ‘charges to follow’ and left the load for the first train that might appear.

Towards midday the station master’s wife spoke to me over the hedge separating the garden from the platform. She said her husband had gone out and would I like some lunch on a tray? I accepted and this surreptitious arrangement was continued several times a day while I remained there. An odd arrangement to be fed by a station master’s wife!

Just as I was sitting down to my first lunch, a train arrived unheralded. Block working was suspended and it had come up the line ignoring signals. It was manned by a retired driver and his very juvenile son as fireman; the guard was a regular man. I unlocked the gates, passed the train through and rode with it for about half a mile to the second crossing. Here I encountered the crossing keeper’s wife, a foul-mouthed unpleasant woman, who shouted abuse at me whilst I handled the gates. The train went on its way and I returned on foot to my lunch.

After four days in this delightfully rural spot, a telephone message told me that one of our relief station masters was on the way to take over, and that I was to go to a small junction signal box on the main line.

This promised to be more interesting and would not have been over arduous had not the station master been thoroughly objectionable and unhelpful. To be pitched into a strange signal box, albeit of only eighteen levers, and expected to commence work at once without time to examine the diagram or grasp the locking, was difficult enough. It was much more difficult trying to get my bearings amid an almost ceaseless string of invective. I devoutly wished the station master had gone on strike.

Fortunately after two days and a night in which time I passed some 40 trains, I was able to move on, this time to a large junction box in Bristol where I joined an office colleague older than myself. The disadvantage of its position was proximity to a public road overbridge from which vantage point men, and some women, had been throwing stones and other missiles on to the lines and at the box windows. Half the glass had gone when I arrived and nearly all was shattered before we were withdrawn on termination of the strike three days later. The electric batteries were exhausted and we were without block instruments or telephones. All we could do was to work such mechanical levers as were not electrically locked.

After six days and nights without sleep I was in a daze without any sort of feeling left in me except an overwhelming desire to go to bed. I took a taxi to my lodging, refused any food and could hardly keep awake whilst I undressed and flopped into bed. But I was too tired for immediate sleep and it was several hours before I got off. I awoke two days later.

It was a great relief to be told that I might take two weeks special leave. This I spent at home in the Midlands and returned to normal life at the office fully refreshed.

Restoration of the havoc caused by the Strike was a protracted business. On the goods side movement had been virtually suspended except for foodstuffs, petrol and other necessaries. Traders had used road transport and continued to do so in some cases. Much valuable traffic was permanently lost to the railways and a good deal that resumed did so only slowly.

In the traffic department, passenger trains were very gradually restored, coach and engine workings were extracted from the muddle which hand-to-mouth working had driven them. Signalling equipment was overhauled and set to rights. It was officially stated that full normal working was not restored until the summer of 1927.

I do not know how the membership of trade unions among GW staff compared with those of other companies at this time. At a number of places in the Division there were certainly strong trade union branches, notably at Swindon, Trowbridge, Westbury and Bristol. At smaller places the interest seemed lukewarm.

The Railway Clerks’ Association did not appear to attract many members of the divisional office staff. I doubt if more than 15 per cent belonged to it. So far as I could see, the interest in union activities was negligible – virtually non-existent. My membership was never canvassed during the whole of my service with the Company.

 

‘Mr. T.J. Morris writes of his father’s experience:

In October 1925 my father was promoted from station master, Cirencester, to a similar position at Bilson Jn. At Cirencester, the revenues were derived chiefly from passenger traffic, but Bilson was in the heart of the Forest of Dean and the main income came from the conveyance of coal. Indeed, at Bilson, little, if any, provision was made for passengers. Those such as there were used the nearby terminal station of Cinderford.

Bilson Jn virtually consisted of a huge marshalling yard into which flowed the output of the coal mines at the nearby collieries of Foxes Bridge, Crump Meadow and Lightmoor. In earlier days other collieries has existed along the adjacent Churchway branch which also used Bilson Jn as the outlet to the main line. My father had only just about settled down to his new duties when all railway movement was disrupted by the General Strike.

At Bilson there was little, if any, movement as the great collieries were also shut down. These were very dark and hungry days for the whole community. The schools in the area became veritable soup kitchens, and for a few weeks the situation remained very grave.

During the school holidays I saw a group of men approaching the railway bridge at Bilson. I quickly recognised that they were all colliers from the strike-ridden pits and I immediately became aware that they were very cross about something. Here I should explain that whilst many railwaymen, especially those in the operating grades were on strike, my father carried on working. His office was in the middle of the marshalling yard close to the bridge on which I was sitting. He was not unsympathetic to the cause of the miners, but I was one of ten children and it never occurred to him but that he must continue working to sustain his very large family.

I watched anxiously as the picket strode down the railway lines and approached my father’s office. On arrival they were met by my father’s clerk – a Mr Stan Freeman – and although I could not hear what was being said it soon became apparent that a fierce argument was in progress. It was at this point that the office door opened and out came my father who, for reasons of his own, had decided to don his station master’s hat. He then advanced towards the group and, in what seemed no time at all, they all began to disperse. Thus an ugly situation was averted and for the first and only time at Bilson Jn I saw my father wearing his official uniform hat.

He himself told me very little about what had transpired, but the miners had clearly demanded that both my father and his clerk should cease working and this they had declined to do.

 

Mr Morris’s wife, Mrs K.G. Morris, also has her own strike memories:

My memories of the General Strike are extremely vivid. My father was a ticket collector on the GWR at St James station, Cheltenham. My mother had just been told she had a heart condition caused by rheumatism and it would last ten years, when she would recover. My sister was just three years old and I was seven.

I knew something was worrying my parents in addition to my mother’s illness, but knew not what.

I so well remember my father coming home from work one day. He came up to the bedroom where we were sitting with my mother; he was very upset and said to my mother, ‘They called me “scum” when I went into work today and my cousin was in the picket line trying to stop me going in. I cannot possibly strike with you so ill, we need the money. But it really is an awful business!’ It was the first time I saw my father cry!

I really did not understand the Strike. I could not understand how people could be so unkind to my father when I knew how worried he was about my mother’s health. However, they did not change him. The text at his funeral service was, “He went about doing good.” Would that there were more like him.

 

Mr J. Harber of Swindon recalls:

My father was a fitter in the Loco Works and also a part time fireman of the Works Brigade. The AEU allowed him to attend fires and emergencies.

I was ten years old in 1926 and lived in the railway estate. Most of the Strike activities took place around the estate. The Strike meetings were held in the park and the picketing took place in the main entrance.

As the estate and park were private property, any strike activity was trespassing. W. Robins and W. Noble who were Secretary RCA and District Secretary AEU, were arrested for trespassing during a picket.

The Revd K. Crisford, who was a curate at St Mark’s, preached a sermon against the railway companies and the Government and supported the strikers. After the service he walked to the park in his cassock and surplice with supporting parishioners to address a Strike meeting.

This was not supported by all the church members, some who were managers, foremen and ‘hopefuls’ shifted their allegiance to Christ Church. [After the Strike the Revd Mr Crisford was forced to leave Swindon.]

On a more personal note our school swimming lessons were stopped due to the water being supplied from the Loco Works, and the boilermen being on strike.’

 

UCL TYPE VOICE

‘Well, when UCL said to us that our final papers would be regarded benignly if we volunteered during the Strike, honestly, what could one do? Duty and self-interest married nicely together and so needless to say, one had to heed the call. And the call of a signal box on the Great Western Railway was irresistible: a nice stove if needed, occasional auroral benisons; bells and levers, and tea by the gallon; flaming sunsets and the romance of steam; in short: “What larks, Pip!”

I thought it would all be tally ho and tickety boo and straightforward but goodness me, no. I had to follow instructions and study a manual. So that we would quickly get to know the ropes, as it were. They said it was a simplified manual but Crikey I hope my finals won’t be as diffy. Here’s a taste of it and I can honestly say, it put me right off. Too much responsibility, I thought. Listen, and you’ll see what I mean. Here’s CHAPTER TWO: SIGNALS AND THEIR USES.

Imagine yourself the engine-driver of a non-stop train travelling at a mile-a-minute. For an hour or so you have rushed along and passed any number of stations where all the signals were showing “All Right,” and you anticipated nothing to check your rapid progress. If, suddenly, you came to a signal showing “Stop,” what would happen? With the weight of a heavy train behind the engine, you would be unable to obey the signal before you had gone a long way past it. Besides, the abrupt stoppage of a fast-travelling train would throw the passengers from their seats, jerk the luggage off the carriage racks upon their heads, and do no end of other mischief. Obviously, the system of signalling has had to be arranged in a way that prevents such an occurrence.

The situation is met in a simple manner. Whenever an engine-driver is required to stop his train at a signal, he is given warning a long way distant, so as to allow him ample time to reduce the speed of the train before reaching the signal.

Well, so far so good I thought. But the next section used the second-person possessive pronoun and the text I read did, I confess, lead to a certain loss of composure. Listen to these three paragraphs headed DISTANT SIGNALS and I think you’ll understand why.

The first of your signals seen by the engine-driver of a train approaching you from either direction, is a considerable way distant from your signal box. Its position gives it the name of “Distant” signal. Between this signal and the next one will be a distance of, perhaps, 1,000 yards or so.

Now, whenever an engine-driver sees a Distant signal at “Danger” he is not expected to stop at it, but to regard it as a Caution Signal, indicating that he must reduce the speed of his train and be prepared to stop at the next signal, if it should be at “Danger.”

The arm of a Distant signal has a peculiar shape, being notched at the end.

Well, I don’t mind telling you that I felt notched at the end of reading that. I don’t like seeing the word Danger at the best of times but reading it twice within one sentence rather put one off.

But I decided to persevere and so onto the final section in Chapter Two: HOME AND STARTING SIGNALS.

The second signal reached by an approaching train is generally situated in the neighbourhood of the signal box. Its position gives it the name of the “Home’ signal. It is a Stop signal, and must not be passed at “Danger.” The Home signal is usually placed a few yards short of the first siding connection or other pints on the line to which the signal applies. This enables an approaching train to be stopped where it will stand clear of any shunting or other operations to be done over the points. At junctions the Home signals are placed where, in a similar way, they “protect” the lines which other trains may require to pass over.

Farther on, ahead of the station platform and points of any sidings worked from the signal box, and generally some little distance beyond the signal box itself, is another signal. Its purpose is to govern the starting away of trains from your control into the section in advance. The name given it, therefore, is the “Starting” signal.

When the Starting signal is at Danger, the Home signal must not be lowered for an approaching train until the train is close to the Home signal.

Honestly, what did you make of all of that. My eyes just glazed over and my mind too. There were diagrams to go with this gobbledegook but, really, I felt as though I were trying to read a language that I had not previously encountered. My Finals at UCL would be easier than this, I thought. So, I thought I might give shunting a dekko instead. This is what I read:

Here are five trucks (lettered A to E) on a siding. Suppose you require to place the two marked “B” and “D” into a position to be taken by a train which, later, will arrive on the main line. This is how you proceed:-

Join the engine to truck “E,” see that “B” “C” “D” and “E’ are coupled together and that “B” is detached from “A.” Draw forward the four trucks that are connected together. When “B” has passed over the points, detach “B” and push it onto the main line. Again reverse the points, and push “C” on to the siding. In like manner shunt “D” on to the main line, and “E” on to the siding. Detach the engine from “E” and attach it to the two trucks (“B” and “D”) on the main line. Then place these trucks on the siding. They will therefore stand at the “points” or “outlet” end of the other wagons.

When the train arrives on the main line, it must come to a stand a little distance short of the signals. Its engine must be detached and sent into the siding to “pick up” “B” and “D.” It must then push these wagons against the train on the main line. Then join the connecting (“coupling”) chains and the train will be ready to proceed.

Well again, I ask you. I couldn’t follow that, could you? You have to be genius to be a shunter, in my humble opinion, and brave too. And to be frank I’m neither of those. So, I think it’ll have to be my finals at UCL after all.

 From The GWR and the General Strike C.R.Potts Oakwood Press

 

 

 

 

 

The GWR 1926

 

The GWR and the General Strike in Gloucestershire

 

May 2nd Sir Felix Pole GWR General Manager sent the following message to all GWR stations and departments:

‘The National Union of Railwaymen have intimated that railwaymen have been asked to strike without notice tomorrow night. Each Great Western man has to decide his course of action, but I appeal to you all to hesitate before you break your contracts of service with the old company, before you inflict grave damage upon the railway industry and before you arouse ill-feeling in the railway service which will take years to remove. Railway Companies and railwaymen have demonstrated that they can settle their disputes by direct negotiations. The mining industry should be advised to do the same.

Remember that your means of living and your personal interests are involved, and that Great Western men are trusted to be loyal to their conditions of service by the same manner as they expect the company to carry out their obligations and agreements.’

 

So, what happened on the G.W.R. in our area? How did ‘Great Western men’ react?

O.S. Nock in his History of the Great Western Railway Volume 3 1923-1947 starts us on our journey with a regional overview tempered by his company allegaince:

‘At first there was a fairly general cessation of traffic’ [though] … In the London area some stopping trains were worked on the main line on the first day … A steady stream of volunteers presented themselves for work on the railway and were allotted duties wherever possible … From that start, transport facilities rapidly improved, with the aid of volunteers, and a number of company’s men who remained loyal … On the railways as a whole, a good number of steam operated suburban routes on all lines had trains, while the nucleus of main-line facilities was generally built up from the Wednesday onwards with improvement day by day, including many branch line trains.

Further, while volunteer labour was a very big item, increasing numbers of railwaymen came back, so that quite early in the strike it was estimated that, including those who did not go out, upwards of 100,000 railwaymen were at work. But, as with the volunteers, many of those required training before they could be utilised for operating duties. Volunteer labour was throughout very plentiful, and although there was in many cases a demand greater than the supply for enginemen and signalmen, large numbers of the offers of assistance could not be utilised.

An interesting feature was that on several lines the students from engineering colleges and other institutions were recruited; their technical knowledge enabled them to adapt themselves to their new duties rapidly and readily [although] … At the start of the strike it was decided to keep simplified operating methods and this eventually became the limiting factor in the number of trains that could be run. To extend railway services to any great extent would have involved many of the complications of standard railway working.

Even so, as the volunteers became more and more familiar with the work, it was found possible to add very considerably to the number of passenger trains run, and gradually to increase to a substantial degree the number of goods trains operated.

‘In addition to what might be termed the more “glamorous” jobs for volunteers, such as engine driving and firing, and the manning of signal boxes, men and women of every estate buckled to on every kind of humdrum job, such as goods and passenger porters, ticket collectors, van drivers and such like. The amount of sheer physical work done by volunteers in handling food, milk, eggs and urgent parcels was prodigious; while the part played by women, including several titled ladies in tending the large stables at Paddington is a reminder of the extent to which the GWR relied upon horse-drawn lorries for delivery of good in the London area. Elderly railwaymen, long since retired, turned out to help, and a former station-master of Paddington acted as a volunteer guard on the Minehead branch.’

UCL TYPE VOICE

‘Well, when UCL said to us that our final papers would be regarded benignly if we volunteered during the Strike, honestly, what could one do? Duty and self-interest married nicely together and so needless to say, one had to heed the call. And the call of a signal box on the Great Western Railway was irresistible: a nice stove if needed, occasional auroral benisons, bells and levers and tea by the gallon, flaming sunsets and the romance of steam; in short, “What larks, Pip!”

I thought it would all be tally ho and tickety boo and straightforward but goodness me, no. I had to follow instructions and study a manual. So that we would quickly get to know the ropes, as it were. They said it was a simplified manual but Crikey I hope my finals won’t be as diffy. Here’s a taste of it and I can honestly say, it put me right off. Too much responsibility, I thought. Listen, and you’ll see what I mean. Here’s CHAPTER TWO: SIGNALS AND THEIR USES.

Imagine yourself the engine-driver of a non-stop train travelling at a mile-a-minute. For an hour or so you have rushed along and passed any number of stations where all the signals were showing “All Right,” and you anticipated nothing to check your rapid progress. If, suddenly, you came to a signal showing “Stop,” what would happen? With the weight of a heavy train behind the engine, you would be unable to obey the signal before you had gone a long way past it. Besides, the abrupt stoppage of a fast-travelling train would throw the passengers from their seats, jerk the luggage off the carriage racks upon their heads, and do no end of other mischief. Obviously, the system of signalling has had to be arranged in a way that prevents such an occurrence.

The situation is met in a simple manner. Whenever an engine-driver is required to stop his train at a signal, he is given warning a long way distant, so as to allow him ample time to reduce the speed of the train before reaching the signal.

Well, so far so good I thought. But the next section used the second-person possessive pronoun and the text I read did, I confess, lead to a certain loss of composure. Listen to these three paragraphs headed DISTANT SIGNALS and I think you’ll understand why.

The first of your signals seen by the engine-driver of a train approaching you from either direction, is a considerable way distant from your signal box. Its position gives it the name of “Distant” signal. Between this signal and the next one will be a distance of, perhaps, 1,000 yards or so.

Now, whenever an engine-driver sees a Distant signal at “Danger” he is not expected to stop at it, but to regard it as a Caution Signal, indicating that he must reduce the speed of his train and be prepared to stop at the next signal, if it should be at “Danger.”

The arm of a Distant signal has a peculiar shape, being notched at the end.

Well, I don’t mind telling you that I felt notched at the end of reading that. I don’t like seeing the word Danger at the best of times but reading it twice within one sentence rather put one off.

But I decided to persevere and so onto the final section in Chapter Two: HOME AND STARTING SIGNALS.

The second signal reached by an approaching train is generally situated in the neighbourhood of the signal box. Its position gives it the name of the “Home’ signal. It is a Stop signal, and must not be passed at “Danger.” The Home signal is usually placed a few yards short of the first siding connection or other pints on the line to which the signal applies. This enables an approaching train to be stopped where it will stand clear of any shunting or other operations to be done over the points. At junctions the Home signals are placed where, in a similar way, they “protect” the lines which other trains may require to pass over.

Farther on, ahead of the station platform and points of any sidings worked from the signal box, and generally some little distance beyond the signal box itself, is another signal. Its purpose is to govern the starting away of trains from your control into the section in advance. The name given it, therefore, is the “Starting” signal.

When the Starting signal is at Danger, the Home signal must not be lowered for an approaching train until the train is close to the Home signal.

Honestly, what did you make of all of that. My eyes just glazed over and my mind too. There were diagrams to go with this gobbledegook but, really, I felt as though I were trying to read a language that I had not previously encountered. My Finals at UCL would be easier than this, I thought. So, I thought I might give shunting a dekko instead. This is what I read:

Here are five trucks (lettered A to E) on a siding. Suppose you require to place the two marked “B” and “D” into a position to be taken by a train which, later, will arrive on the main line. This is how you proceed:-

Join the engine to truck “E,” see that “B” “C” “D” and “E’ are coupled together and that “B” is detached from “A.” Draw forward the four trucks that are connected together. When “B” has passed over the points, detach “B” and push it onto the main line. Again reverse the points, and push “C” on to the siding. In like manner shunt “D” on to the main line, and “E” on to the siding. Detach the engine from “E” and attach it to the two trucks (“B” and “D”) on the main line. Then place these trucks on the siding. They will therefore stand at the “points” or “outlet” end of the other wagons.

When the train arrives on the main line, it must come to a stand a little distance short of the signals. Its engine must be detached and sent into the siding to “pick up” “B” and “D.” It must then push these wagons against the train on the main line. Then join the connecting (“coupling”) chains and the train will be ready to proceed.

Well again, I ask you. I couldn’t follow that, could you? You have to be genius to be a shunter, in my humble opinion, and brave too. And to be frank I’m neither of those. So I think it’ll have to be my finals at UCL after all.

 

Back to O.S. Nock:

‘On 11th May, the following circular was issued by Sir Felix Pole: “A stage has now been reached in the strike when it can be said with confidence that railway services are improving each day, and I should like to offer my very hearty congratulations and thanks to all the officers, loyal staff and volunteers who have risen so splendidly to the occasion and who are responsible for this satisfactory state of affairs.” At the same time another was issued by Sir Felix Pole: “The word ‘victimisation’ has often been used in connection with strikes. In the experience of the Great Western Railway it has usually been imported at the end of a strike, the trade unions invariably asking that there should be no victimisation. The present strike not only differs from previous strikes in that it is not associated with any dispute or labour question affecting the company, but because of the fact that victimisations started with the strike, the victim in this case being the Great Western Railway Company. It is indeed true to say that the country as a whole is being victimised by a strike which is the blackest day in the history of Labour in this Country. That thousands of men with no grievance against their employers should have been ‘instructed’ to leave work, and that so many of them should have done so, passes all comprehension. It can only be explained on the ground that there was a deep conspiracy against the State. Thank God such a conspiracy cannot succeed and can only result in the discrediting of its promoters and the disillusionment of those who have been used as pawns in the game.”

The same evening the Prime Minister broadcast to the nation. I well remember listening to that broadcast through the headphones attached to a primitive “crystal set”. Broadcasting was then in its infancy, and many people like myself were probably hearing Stanley Baldwin’s deep resonant voice for the first time. Earlier in the day Mr. Justice Astbury had declared the strike illegal, and the next morning a deputation from the Trade Union Council waited upon the Prime Minister to tell him of their decision to call off the strike, unconditionally. There was, nevertheless, a certain hesitancy on the part of the railwaymen to return to work at once, and on Thursday and Friday … there were long meetings between Union leaders and the railway managers. Eventually a settlement was signed in the afternoon of 14th May …

TERMS OF SETTLEMENT AS BETWEEN THE RAILWAY COMPANIES ON THE ONE HAND AND THE NATIONAL UNION OF RAILWAYMEN, ASSOCIATED SOCIETY OF LOCOMOTIVE ENGINEERS AND FIREMEN, AND THE RAILWAY CLERICS’ ASSOCIATION ON THE OTHER.

  1. Those employees of the Railway Companies who have gone out on strike to be taken back to work as soon as the traffic offers and work can be found for them. The principle to be followed in reinstating to be seniority in each grade at each station, depot or office.
  2. The Trades Unions admit that in calling a strike they committed a wrongful act against the Companies, and agree that the Companies do not by reinstatement surrender their legal right to claim damages arising out of the strike from strikers and others responsible.
  3. The Unions undertake:-
  • not again to instruct their members to strike without previous negotiations with the Companies.
  • to give no support of any kind to their members who take any unauthorised action.
  • not to encourage Supervisory employees in the Special Class to take part in any strike.
  1. The Companies intimated that arising out of the strike it may be necessary to remove certain persons to other positions, but no such person’s salary or wages will be reduced. Each Company will notify the Unions within one week the names of men whom they propose to transfer and will afford each man an opportunity of having an advocate to present his case to the General Manager.
  2. The settlement shall not extend to persons who have been guilty of violence or intimidation

On behalf of the General Managers’ Conference:- FELIX J.C. POLE. H.G. BURGESS H.A. WALKER. R.L. WEDGWOOD R.H. SELBIE On behalf of the Railway Trade Unions:- J.H. Thomas C.T. CRAMP (National Union of Railwaymen) J. BROMLEY (Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen) A.G. WALKEN (Railway Clerks’ Association)

DATED THIS FOURTEENTH DAY OF MAY, NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX.’

 

How did this agreement play out in the Gloucester area?

C.R. Potts shone a light with his The GWR and the General Strike where his exhaustive research revealed that Gloucester is listed in the many GWR examples reported after the strike where ‘Junior Men’ were reinstated ‘in Preference to Senior Men’; for example, sixteen station masters were listed who would be transferred to other positions (but without loss of pay). The list included the station master at Churchdown. More from Potts: ‘In 1927 a summary statement was drawn up with action taken with men accused of violence or intimidation who had not been allowed to resume until their appeals had been heard by the General Manager (or assistant) …’ The list includes a Fireman at Gloucester Intim. and violence towards labourer Resumed 28.6.26 and a Driver at Gloucester Impeding distribution of food Resumed 15.8.26.

 

Leaving our area for a while, the reaction to Sir Felix Pole at Paddington is quite startling:

Open Letter to Sir Felix Pole from the Paddington Railwaymen June 1926

Sir,

The chief feature of your career as General Manager has been that which has appealed to the staff of the Great Western Railway for co-operation; urging that such was in the best interests of the men, the public, the Company.

The men for a number of years have believed you, and have been prepared to accept your advice. They have watched your movements, and for a period believed that at last they had an open and fair-minded official to deal with. Even up to the end of April they held this opinion, but even you, must recognise that, while not receiving the education to which they are entitled, they are not void of every atom of intelligence, as may be desired by the shareholding class whom you represent in the railway industry. We like you, recognise the class struggle which is being waged in Society, and again we recognise that if we are to resist the attacks of your class, we also, like you, must be organised as a class: i.e. under a single central leadership.

Having decided on this as a mass body of workers we placed our leadership in the General Council of the Trades Union Congress, and they, acting upon instructions of our Executive Committees decided that the time had arrived when the miners must be protected from the onslaught of your profit-grabbing class. It was here that you gave us a real demonstration of your co-operative spirit. You asked us to ignore our mining comrades; to let them fight a lobe battle, while we, in our turn, should stand by and see them starved into accepting the conditions your class wished to force upon them. Your circulars and pleadings, your vomitations and cries left us cold; we thought first of the “Old Company,” then you, and then our mining comrades, and finally decided our first duty was to our class and not to our enemies.

Therefore, on the morning of May the 4th, you were left in your true position to line up with the Federation of British Industries against the workers.

There is one thing we want to know. If, as you have said so often, you believed in co-operation, with decent conditions for all, why did you not join hands with that section which was attempting to carry this into effect? Why did you not point out to the mineowners that they had no right to make huge profits; live lives of gorgeous luxury; to sneer at all wage earners, and at the same time attempt to force those who had produced that profit still further down the mire of misery and poverty? Why did you not attack the mineowners? Because they belonged to the same greedy dividend-owning class as you, and we realise here that your pleas for co-operation have been so much hypocritical trash. This you have proved since the termination of the General Strike. The agreement arrived at smells of you throughout. So you have “got your own back” – we shall see. The June issue of the Great Western Railway magazine shows the shadow of “Poleism” right through. We advise all railwaymen not to buy tour anti-working class propaganda doping magazine.

Your victimising attitude since the strike shows how you intend to penalise our men. Again we say, “We shall see.” We have seen you at last in your true colours. We see you arraigned as one of the biggest advocates of Capitalism that we have ever witnessed. We see you as an advocate of further suffering for our class. But we in turn stand solid, yes, as solidly as on May 4th, and we say to you now that we know where we are, we shall continue to fight you and your class. Not only the mines, but the railways as well must be wrested from private enterprise.

Even though the General Strike has finished, our thoughts still go out to the miners. We shall support them or any other workers whenever we think fit. But there is one thing we cannot do, and that is in reference to your recent circular letter telling us that unless we speak to the “scabs” we are liable to dismissal. No man who sells his soul and his self respect to his enemies and betrays his comrades is entitled to the companionship of a class-conscious worker and we ignore your circular. It may be advisable from your point of view to post notices and agreements, but we men have yet to see the purpose, except as an insult to us, of posting them deliberately on view to the general public.

We invite you to examine the temperament of every individual who was loyal (sic) to the company, and we challenge you to pick out a real man amongst them. For, given a big enough bribe, they would sell even you to-morrow, just as you, at the bidding of a bigger salary would leave the “dear old Company” to fare for itself. Again, while your wages exceed the combined weekly wage of over fifty of our men you say the wages of the men must be reduced, and yours must be increased. We want to know on whose suggestion, and on what qualifications yours has been increased. One last word, dear Sir Felix, before we leave you to carry on the fight – a General Manager can leave the railway company for three months, and take a trip to the other side of the world, and no substitute need be found for him, but if through ill-health, death or even strikes, one of the cogs in the wheels of the railway industry, the bottom dog, leaves his post, a substitute must be found for him immediately. This then gives us the value of a General Manager, and his usefulness to the Company from which he draws such an enormous salary.

And now, au revoir, we shall meet again on the battlefield in the near future, and we shall remember your tactics in the past.

THE PADDINGTON RAILWAYMEN

 

We simply do not know how far these sentiments travelled on the down line west from the GWR London terminus (a handful of sympathisers at Swindon?), but Potts provides a detailed analysis of our county in his book day by day through the strike:

Tuesday May 4

Paddington began to receive reports about attendance on the early shift at signal boxes: 10 signal boxes open in the Plymouth area; 10 signalmen reported for duty in the Worcester area; low attendance at Newport, Swansea, London, Exeter, Birmingham and Gloucester. There was a determination to get milk trains running: Gloucester managed one but not with local staff – the driver came from Bullo Pill and the guard was a Newport man. 50 UCL undergraduates sent to Royal Oak signalling school for 1 and a half hours of signalling instruction with similar amounts of instruction to come daily.

Wednesday May 5

Gloucester reported mid-afternoon that the Cirencester and Tetbury branch lines would be able to offer a service on the next day.

Friday May 7

A driver obtained for the 3.30 p.m. London to Malvern train informed the locomotive superintendent that the level crossings at Ascott, Blockley and Campden were “very uncertain”; he had been told that one of the station masters had refused to open the crossing. The Worcester superintendent was ordered to take according action.

Four trains running from Swindon to Gloucester (with two extended to Cardiff) with one train from Cardiff to Swindon via Gloucester, one from Cardiff to Gloucester, and three from Gloucester to Swindon.

A.R. Williams in The General Strike in Gloucestershire 1972 (Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society) reported that ‘By Friday, May 7, volunteers were restoring some sort of service on the railways, with twelve trains running from Cheltenham to Derby, Birmingham and Gloucester’ [L.M.S.], ‘There were three trains daily from Bristol to Paddington and four from Bristol to Gloucester.’

WITH THE WORKERS

Impressions of a stroll round the City

(By our Correspondent)

‘Amongst the black-coated workers the response among the railway clerks is very satisfactory. There was nothing doing on the goods yards of both the railways … It is a sight to see the railway metals beginning to rust owing to the absence of trains. The empty stations and the silence, where once was all noise, indicates the greatness and completeness of the workers’ protest of the crime that is being committed by the coal owners against the miners and against the supineness of a government that sits by with folded hands and allows the sands to run out. Never has Gloucester seen anything like this before …

News from Other Places

The Railwaymen’s Joint Strike Committee report the following position for areas outside Gloucester:

Stroud – More Railway Clerks have come out since yesterday.

Forest of Dean – Station Masters and Clerks out.

Sharpness and District – All solid. Only three men working in the district.

Station Masters out at Upper Lydbrook, Symonds Yat, Coleford, Parkend, Whitecroft, Bullo Pill, Blakeney, Bourton-on-Water, Kingham.

In Cheltenham, 26 out of 32 RCA men out.

On the Railways

The Railwaymen’s Joint Strike Committee reports to in the following position:

In Gloucester situation unchanged. More railway clerks have come out since yesterday. Speakers are being sent by the Railwaymen’s Joint Strike Committee to Cheltenham, Sharpness and Berkeley. From another source we hear that two Gloucester men drove Great Western engines yesterday – They certainly had a lovely drive!

 

 

Saturday May 8

Five important lines with no service listed, including Cheltenham-Bristol.

Local Railway Situation

The two retired Locomen Brothers who have been working Great Western trains have now been persuaded not to apply to the Railway further. They have now been able to see the justice of the cause. Railway position in Gloucester splendid.

On the Railways

Chepstow    52 men on Book 52 out

Monmouth 83                         81

Lydney       234                       233

Cinderford   –                          all out

Newnham –                             all out

Stroud                                     all out

 

 

Sunday May 9

News came in from the Forest of Dean: the station master at Lydbrook Junction who had been out on strike, reported that he wished to return to his duties but he was not given permission to do so … However, three yard foremen at Gloucester and a Kemble signalman were allowed to return to work but with this GWR proviso: they would have to work where ordered and do any work so bidden.

 

Monday May 10

Six branch lines listed with freight services newly operating, including Fairford.

Four important lines with no service listed, still including Cheltenham-Bristol.

Train’s Narrow Escape

Within two feet of Disaster   Blacklegs on Footplate

 

Attempt to run train by a military driver and a naval stoker nearly resulted in disaster at Cheltenham. Shortly after leaving Cheltenham, the train bound from Bristol to Birmingham nearly collided with level crossing gates closed against it, and only came to a standstill within two feet of gates. The train had not reached Birmingham by the following morning.

Gloucester Wagon Works The power section have struck.

Sharpness All members of the Transport Workers and N.U.R. standing solid by the instructions of the T.U.C. Joint meetings have been held daily. Messrs M.P. Price, Hacker, Dingley and Griffiths from Gloucester have given addresses on the situation. Concert programmes have been arranged and given each afternoon to keep everyone bright and cheery.

 

More Safety First

The G.W.R. are to be highly congratulated on the splendid response for blacklegs. One engine is being driven by a man who was unable to pass the required driver’s test and he is not accompanied by a greaser boy.

Another one working the second engine is a man who failed an eyesight test and he is accompanied by a taxi-driver. The one from High Street Depot is being worked by the Loco Inspector accompanied by the Carriage and Wagon Foreman.  It is hoped the corpulence of these two latter gentlemen is not too big a handicap.

 

 

Tuesday May 11

An announcement from the Road Transport department that a GWR Gloucester-Cheltenham bus service should commence on Wednesday May 12. An extra train running from Cheltenham to Ludgershall on the Midland & South Western Junction Railway at 3p.m and returning at 5.40p.m.

 

Wednesday May 12

Gloucester staff support a resolution that men would return to work en bloc only.

Large consignments of flour carried from Avonmouth, Cardiff and Gloucester.

 

 

Thursday May 13

No staff reported for duty at Gloucester was the lunchtime message to Paddington. It was thought that no Paddington-South Wales trains (and South Wales to Paddington) could run at night as the LMS could not staff signal boxes at Standish Junction, Haresfield, Naas Crossing and Tramway Crossing.

 

‘Lydney, Cinderford, Newnham … all out …’ while Ralph Anstis in his book Blood on Coal, describes the strike in the Forest of Dean: ‘The effects of the railway strike were soon noticeable. At Awre station milk churns were left uncollected and Symonds Yat, Upper Lydbrook, Coleford, Parkend, Whitecroft, Bullo Pill and Blakeney stations were closed with the staff out in support of miners.’

 

Now for some statistics from The GWR and the General Strike C.R. Potts with an emphasis upon the Gloucester Division: The Permanent Way ‘The track grades were almost all out (93.7%), but there were exceptions, particularly in the Gloucester and Shrewsbury divisions. At Cheltenham no less than 90 out of 117 permanent way men remained loyal, it was thought because of the personal influence of the local inspector.’

Police Department 2,202 special constables were enrolled: Paddington-Southall (598), Cardiff (257), Birmingham (162), Newport (75) and Bristol (68) … Gloucester enrolled just 15 men.

STATEMENT SHEWING NUMBER OF VOLUNTEERS ENROLLED

AT CENTRES OTHER THAN PADDINGTON

Eleven Divisions are listed: BRISTOL, EXETER, PLYMOUTH, GLOUCESTER, NEWPORT, CARDIFF, SWANSEA, WORCESTER, BIRMINGHAM, CHESTER, OSWESTRY

The average number of volunteers enrolled per Division was about 1,000. Gloucester came in at eighth on the list with 425 enrolled. 112 were utilised: only 25 were Company’s Servants; 71 came From Outside Service and 16 were Retired Company’s Servants. Gloucester came in ninth on number not utilised with 313, of which 241 came From Outside Service; only 39 were Company’s Servants and 33 were Retired Company’s Servants.

 

But to conclude, let us return to O.S. Nock:

‘So ended the strike as far as the railways were concerned, and for industry in general. The public heaved a sigh of relief, and affairs quickly reverted to normal except, of course, that a settlement of the coal dispute was as far off as ever.’

 

Trains run on the GWR: May 4 194 May 5 250 May 6 300 May 7 479 May 8 500 May 9 520 May 10 908 May 11 1,025 May 12 1,297 May 13 1,385 May 14 1,517.

And as regards from May 14 onwards:

‘Train services, as first restored, were far from normal. On the Great Western many crack expresses were temporarily withdrawn, and long-distance trains made many intermediate stops to avoid running feeder services and using additional coal. Supplies of foreign fuel were obtained, however, and as spring was followed by summer and the holiday season approached the full express service was restored …

The coal strike continued throughout the summer, with little sign of conciliation on either side. Railways and particularly the Great Western were inconvenienced by the poor quality of the continental coal it was possible to import … the prolongation of the coal strike into the autumn and early winter was, economically as well as socially, a national disaster. The country’s greatest source of indigenous wealth, the very foundation of her industrial supremacy in former years, virtually committed suicide. And South Wales, whose livelihood depended almost entirely upon the one great industry, was utterly ruined. The huge overseas markets to serve which the railways and dock facilities of the Bristol Channel ports had been built up were lost for ever …’

And now to return to Mr. Potts:

STATEMENT SHEWING THE PERCENTAGE OF STAFF ON STRIKE DAILY

Clerical and Technical Staff Supervisory Staff: May 5 27.2% May 6 26.7% May 7 26.4% May 8 26.4% May 9 26.4% May 10 26.0% May 11 25.7% May 12 25.4% May 13 24.7% May 14 24.6%

Supervisory Staff, including Station Masters and Agents: May 5 21.0% May 6 20.5% May 7 20.4% May 8 20.6% May 9 20.6% May 10 20.4% May 11 20.5% May 12 20.4% May 13 19.9% May 14 19.6%

Engine Drivers: May 5 98.7% May 6 98.6% May 7 98.6% May 8 98.5% May 9 98.5% May 10 98.4% May 11 98.4% May 12 98.3% May 13 97.5% May 14 97.6%

Firemen: May 5 99.5% May 6 99.6% May 7 99.5% May 8 99.5% May 9 99.5% May 10 99.3% May 11 99.1% May 12 99.1% May 13 98.5% May 14 98.5%

Guards: May 5 96.6% May 6 98.5% May 7 96.4% May 8 96.2% May 9 96.2% May 10 96.3% May 11 95.9% May 12 95.6% May 13 94.5% May 14 94.2%

Signalmen: May 5 92.1% May 6 92.3% May 7 90.7% May 8 90.3% May 9 90.4% May 10 89.5% May 11 88.8% May 12 87.9% May 13 84.3% May 14 83.2%

Shunters: May 5 97.6% May 6 95.5% May 7 97.0% May 8 97.1% May 9 97.3% May 10 97.4% May 11 97.3% May 12 97.0% May 13 96.3% May 14 95.9%

 

 

 

 

Post-Script Chris Harman’s book on The General Strike

These extracts are about the railways in general rather than just the GWR

 

Bristol Bulletin ‘To Heaven by the LMS’

Early in the morning, per broadcast from London,

See the little puff-puffs all in a row,

D’Arcy on the engine, pulled a little lever,

Expansion of the boiler – UP WE GO!’

When the TUC General Council met with Samuel, Jimmy Thomas (NUR) and John Bromley (ASLEF) stressed the drift back to work – especially on the railways – as a reason for once more returning to discussions. John Bromley: ‘Unless the strike is called off now there will be thousands of trains running. The result will be that there will be a debacle. It is no good, we cannot go on any longer. We are busted.’ He told the miners that he would order his men back to duty on Tuesday [11th] if the strike were not called off. Chris Harman: ‘This was a theme continually stressed by Bromley and Thomas, but it had no basis in fact. Official figures showed that out of a total of 39,421 engineers employed by the four main companies, 742 reported for duty on Tuesday 11 May. The proportion of firemen and signalmen returning to work was similarly low and, although there were substantial defections by numbers of the Railway Clerks’ Association, more than 99% of all railway staff remained loyal to the strike. ‘Such precise information was not, of course, available to the TUC, but the Intelligence Committee observed on 12 May that Government claims of a massive return to work by the railwaymen were not confirmed by reports “coming into the office … It may be that the Government are making claims on the basis of staff consisting in the main of supervisory grades, clerks, and more or less isolated railwaymen in the rural areas. It may also be that they are including voluntary workers in their total.”’

 

After the strike was called off what of guarantees against victimisation and guarantees of reinstatement of strikers? Harman; ‘The railway companies were especially determined to exploit the situation and employees offered reinstatement were required to sign an acknowledgement that they were not relieved of the consequences of breaking their service.’

Yet the official NUR telegram of Friday afternoon read thus: ‘Complete reinstatement secured without penalties.’ In fact, the companies had said that reinstatement could only take place ‘as soon as traffic offers and work can be found.’ In addition, strikers in supervisory posts could be transferred to other posts after their ‘wrongful act against the companies.’ Anyone who had been found ‘guilty of violence or intimidation’ would not be reinstated. Bromley, the ASLEF leader, called the agreement ‘very satisfactory. Jimmy Thomas NUR said, ‘If any words of mine can help, may I say to every employer: Follow the example of the railway companies. Do the big thing.’

As Harman commented: ‘Five months later Thomas told the Labour Party conference that 200,000 railwaymen were working three days a week and 45,000 were still waiting for jobs.’ Obviously, the decline in traffic caused by the continuing lock-out was a factor in this but Harman wrote that these figures, ‘To an even greater extent’ were ‘the result of a prolonged and vindictive campaign of retaliation on the part of the railway companies.’

Monday May 10

Sir Guy Granet of the LMS and Sir Felix Pole (GWR) stated that ‘they did not want to destroy the unions, but only wanted power to … eliminate undesirables.’ Harman commented in his footnote that ‘Both represented themselves as being for “moderation”.’

After the end of the General Strike, railway unions refused to impose an embargo upon the movement of coal and the TUC decided against a compulsory levy to support the miners in their battle against privation.

 

12 May TUC Intelligence Committee submitted a survey of the strike position; lengthy and detailed – a synopsis here:

‘…a remarkable spirit in the country. At the same time there is evidence to show that there is a discernible leakage back to work, and it is not improbable that this will grow … Every day adds to the number of idle factories and workshops. Yesterday saw the arrest, or the appearance before magistrates, of a considerable number … local strike leaders or pickets … it is clear from yesterday’s events that the Government is becoming more aggressive and determined. Little has been heard of any military movements yesterday, but the Government appears to be handling food supplies in increasing quantities. The Government has endeavoured to impress the country with the improvements in railway facilities. The actual improvement, though real, is very small. The amount of goods, including food, being conveyed is very small. The Government is still relying on road transport and the supplies in the docks. Though it is uncertain whether there is any real food shortage in any area, there is an undoubted fear in many areas that food supplies are short. In some towns – for example, certain Midland towns – there is estimated to be two to three weeks supply of staple foodstuffs.

 

 

The Government and its supporters put forward a constantly recurring claim that a considerable number of railway workers are going back to work … The reports coming into this office do not confirm or explain the Government’s claims … It may be that the Government are making big claims on the basis of a staff consisting in the main of supervisory grades, clerks, and more or less isolated railwaymen in the rural areas. It may also be that they are including voluntary workers in their totals …

 

 

TUC INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE

The information which was obtained with regard to the transport of goods showed that during the first stages of the dispute the amount of goods traffic on the railways was negligible … such traffic as developed before the end of the strike was devoted primarily to milk and vegetables. Consequently, those districts which did not normally rely upon motor transport for their raw materials and for the carriage of finished products found themselves, where stocks were low, in increasing difficulties … it must be pointed out, however, that one of the weak links in the chain was the inadequate organisation amongst commercial transport workers … As regards passenger traffic, this was an important factor in the struggle. Its gradual improvement did, no doubt, exert a psychological influence but the mere transfer of people from place to place did nothing to assist the maintenance of production in the essential industries.

 

A suburban passenger train service was established, but even at the end of the strike the number of suburban trains running was but a fraction of the normal and the number of steam trains very low.

The chief commercial traffic was that which carried foodstuffs, and though a portion of the milk supply was carried by rail, the greater part was conveyed by road. A certain amount of foodstuffs, almost entirely fresh vegetables, were carried on the railways. As regards London, the majority of the food entered by road under strong military escort

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

General Strike Chronology

March 1926: The Samuel Commission on the Coal Industry issues its long -awaited report: the coal industry should be reorganised but not nationalised; the subsidy for miners’ wages that had been paid for nine months to avert a strike in 1925 should end on April 30th. The colliery owners demand longer hours and wage cuts.

April sees stalemate after a series of negotiations between government, colliery owners, miners and the TUC. Lockout notices are posted at mines by the owners for when the subsidy ends at the end of the month. Arthur Cook, a leader of the miners, has this clarion call: “Not a penny off the pay, Not a second on the day.”

May 1st. A Special Conference approves the TUC General Council’s proposals for a General Strike in defence of the miners’ wages and hours to begin at midnight on Monday 3rd May. The government proclaims a State of Emergency. The Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, broadcasts to the nation: “Keep steady. Keep ready. Remember that peace on Earth comes to men of goodwill.” Unions begin to issue strike orders for the first line of industries to come out, such as unions from Transport, printing, the press, iron and steel and metals, Heavy chemicals, electricity, gas, Building (excluding hospitals and houses). The TUC and the Prime Minister resume negotiations at 9 p.m.

May 2nd Baldwin and the TUC break their negotiations so the prime minister can meet with the cabinet while the Miners’ Executive join discussions with the TUC General Council.

May 3rd negotiations broke down at 1.15 a.m. after printers refused to print a Daily Mail leading article denouncing the General Strike as an attack on the constitution. Stanley Baldwin informs the TUC negotiators that “Overt acts have already taken place, including gross interference with the freedom of the press”. This was a challenge to the constitution, the Government asserted, and so demanded, “The immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the instructions for a General Strike”. The General Strike began at midnight as day shifts ended and night shifts stayed at home.

May 4th First day of the strike and the response of those called out exceeded expectations. No passenger trains; hardly any buses or trams and the docks at a standstill. No national newspapers. The BBC issues news bulletins at three hourly intervals. Many trades councils produce their own local strike bulletin broadsheets.

May 5 The government appealed for volunteers and special constables and issued the British Gazette with Winston Churchill as editor. The TUC replied with the British Worker printed at the premises of the Daily Herald although the first edition was held up for 5 hours by a police raid. At the local level, strike organisations, Councils of Action, Joint Strike Committees took the initiative where it was felt there was insufficient direction from the TUC. London taxi-drivers who had not been called out on strike, insist on joining the strike.

May 6 The government assures volunteers that they will not be victimised by trade unions after the end of the strike and they will lose no trade union benefits. Sir John Simon declares in the House of Commons that the General Strike is illegal.

May 7 The Archbishop of Canterbury announces proposals for a settlement which are printed in the British Worker but make no appearance in the British Gazette or on the BBC. Sir Herbert Samuel (who had headed the Royal Commission about the mines) returns from holiday and approaches the TUC General Council with an offer of mediation, emphasising that he is acting in an unofficial capacity with no governmental authority. The TUC negotiating committee meet with him without informing the miners.

May 8 A convoy of armoured cars with soldiers in helmets transport food supplies to the depot in Hyde Park. The government announce plans for a Civil Reserve Constabulary whose recruits would don steel helmets, armlets and be armed with truncheons. The BBC announce a government declaration that any member of the armed forces will receive full governmental support for any action they deem necessary to take “in an honest endeavour to aid the Civil Power.”

May 9 Sunday mass gatherings in support of the strike nationwide; Cardinal Bourne declares the General Strike a sin against God at High Mass; the army place a cordon around London Docks. TUC leaders now inform the miners’ leaders of Samuel’s recommendations which include wage cuts. TUC General Council informed by the Miners’ Federation Executive at a meeting that wage cuts simply unacceptable.

May 10 Sir Herbert Samuel now meets with the TUC Negotiating Committee and the miners’ representatives. Miners emphasise the unacceptability of wage cuts. Many arrests mentioned on the BBC. The TUC General Council sends out this rallying call to those out on strike: “Stand firm. Be loyal to instructions and trust your leaders.”

May 11 Those shipbuilding and engineering workers not called out in the first wave are instructed to down tools at midnight. The Transport and General Workers Union leadership publish this message: “Hold fast. We must see the miners through.”

Justice Astbury declares that the General Strike is illegal and that trade union funds may not be legally used for strike pay to those called out as they are obeying illegal orders.

The TUC General Council accept the final draft of the Samuel Memorandum from the TUC Negotiating Committee. The MFGB Executive reject it as it involves wage cuts.

May 12 The TUC General Council visit Downing Street at noon to inform Baldwin that the General Strike is unconditionally called off. The news is broadcast at 1 p.m. The King issues a message calling for co-operation.

May 13 It now becomes public knowledge that the settlement does not include withdrawal of the owners’ lock-out notices. The MFGB refuse to agree to the settlement. There is widespread employer practice of the imposition of terms of reinstatement that amount to victimisation in many peoples’ eyes. Workers go back on strike: there are more out today than on any previous day.

May 14 The Prime Minister proposals to miners and owners are even less favourable to the miners than those of the Samuel Memorandum. The Railway Unions accept the terms proposed by the Railway Companies and are forced to “admit that in calling a strike they committed a wrongful act.”

May 15-18 Dockers, printworkers and other trades unions reach agreements for returning to work. Much victimisation, especially on the railways.

End of November sees the official return to work by the miners after growing piecemeal returns throughout the summer and autumn. Wage cuts and longer hours for many and victimisation and unemployment for many too.

  1. Trades Disputes and Trades Union Act: all sympathetic strikes illegal; mass picketing and “intimidation” by pickets illegal; no political levy for trades unionists to pay to the Labour Party – instead they will have to “contract in”; Civil Service unions not allowed to affiliate to the TUC; Local Authority employees forbidden to break their contracts of employment on pain of imprisonment.

 

British Gazette final issue May 13:

‘The most formidable and insidious attempt that has as yet been made to cripple the freedom of the Press, and to withhold essential news from the public has been frustrated. The British Gazette may have had a short life, but it has fulfilled the purpose of living. It becomes a memory; but it remains a monument.’

 

New Statesman May 15

‘One of the worst outrages that the country has had to endure – and to pay for it – in the course of the strike, was the publication of the British Gazette. This organ, throughout the seven days of its existence, was a disgrace alike to the British Government and to British journalism – in so far as British journalism can be said to have had anything to do with it.’

 

Mostly adapted from 1926 The General Strike edited by Jeffrey Skelley

 

 

The Workers’ Bulletin

Tuesday May 4th, The Workers’ Bulletin

 

Congratulations to the workers of Great Britain! Nothing finer has ever been seen … The stoppage is complete. The wanton brutality of the Government and the coal-owners in their combined endeavour to force a reduction of wages upon the already underpaid miners has met solid resistance of the whole class.

And the gallantry of the printing workers in silencing the lying capitalist press with their last-minute lies, made a splendid prelude to the greatest display of solidarity in British history …

NOT A PENNY OFF THE PAY; NOT A MINUTE ON THE DAY.

AN INJURY TO ONE IS AN INJURY TO ALL.

NO GOVERNMENT HAS THE RIGHT TO ORDER MEN AND WOMEN TO STARVE

 

 

 Wednesday 5th May, this was the Word from the Communist Party:

FIGHTING TO WIN

THE POLITICAL MEANING OF THE GENERAL STRIKE

WORKERS OF BRITAIN!

… LET THE WORKERS ANSWER THE BOSSES’ CHALLENGE WITH A CHALLENGE OF THEIR OWN: “NATIONALISATION OF THE MINES WITHOUT COMPENSATION … UNDER WORKERS’ CONTROL …!”

The first watchwords of the General Strike, therefore, have been and remain:

“All together behind the Miners – Not a Penny off the Pay. Not a Second on the Day!”

The Government in this struggle has dropped all pretence of being above all classes. It made no objection to the coal-owners’ decision to hold the community to ransom … but it delivered an insolent and provocative ultimatum when the Trade Union Congress decided, in the exercise of its undoubted rights, to defend the miners … Ever since the strike began, the Government has welcomed the aid of the capitalist strike-breaking organisations, the O.M.S. and Fascisti …Troops, aeroplanes and battle-ships are being used to overawe the workers, if possible, and to crush the General Strike …

“RESIGNATION OF THE FORGERY GOVERNMENT

– FORMATION OF A LABOUR GOVERNMENT!”

The Communist Party continues to instruct its members and to urge the workers to take every practical step … form a Council of Action immediately … organise able-bodied Trade Unionists in a Workers’ Defence Corps against the O.M.S. and Fascisti … set up feeding arrangements with the Co-operative Societies … hold mass meetings and issue strike bulletins … make their case known to the soldiers.

But the Communist Party warns the workers against the attempts being made to limit the struggle to its previous character of self-defence against the capitalist offensive. Once the battle has been joined, the only way to victory is to push hard and hit hard. And the way to hit the capitalist hardest is for the Councils of Action to throw out the clear instructions

NOT A PENNY OFF THE PAY. NOT A SECOND ON THE DAY!

NATIONALISE THE MINES WITHOUT COMPENSATION,

UNDER WORKERS’ CONTROL!

FORMATION OF A LABOUR GOVERNMENT!

 

 

 

Workers’ Bulletin, May 8,

CONSTITUTIONAL

The anxiety of the British Worker to assure everybody that the strike is a “purely industrial dispute” is pathetic … the Government every hour make more of a political issue out of it.

Their seizure of the stocks of printing paper is not only evidence that they are driven to extremity, but evidence also, that under E.P.A. the “Constitution” is just what the Government choose to make it.

Already there have been, on official showing, over a hundred arrests, and raids and arrests are reported hourly – so also with the movement of troops …

 

Workers’ Bulletin, May 8,

A STRAIGHT ROAD TO VICTORY

We welcome the statement of the General Council … that any preliminary discussions into which the Government may enter with the T.U.C. must be “free from any conditions.”

This means more than they will attempt to call off the strike to enable negotiations to be resumed. It means that there will be nothing more in the nature of that incredible proposal to take the Commission Report as a basis, knowing that this “may involve a reduction in wages” …

 

 

C.P.G.B. May 13

‘Refuse to return to work. Reject the Samuel Memorandum.

Affirm your solidarity with the miners. No wage reductions. No lengthening of hours.’

 

The British Worker

The British Worker

Wednesday 5th May,

MESSAGE TO ALL WORKERS

The General Council of the Trades Union Congress wishes to emphasise the fact that this is an industrial dispute. It expects every member taking part to be exemplary in his conduct and not give any opportunity for police interference. The outbreak of any disturbance would be very damaging for the prospects of a successful termination of the dispute.

The Council asks pickets especially to avoid obstruction and to confine themselves strictly to their legitimate duties.

 

MAGNIFICENT LOYALTY

…On behalf of the Miners’ Federation we express our heartfelt thanks … we have laboured for a peaceful settlement, but the Government, not only by its words, but by its actions, has shown only too plainly that peace is not what it desires.

In insisting that the miners should pledge themselves to accept a reduction in wages before even entering negotiations, advanced an unheard of demand which no body of Trade Unionists could accept.

SUNDAY NIGHT’S BREAK

In suddenly breaking off negotiations with the General Council and the Miners’ Federation on Sunday night, it revealed its determination to force upon the Trade Union movement a struggle for which the Government had long prepared.

It is on the Government, and the Government alone, that the responsibility for the present situation rests …

OFFICIAL T.U.C. STATEMENT

(Given by Mr. POULTON)

All reports we have had today go to show that there is the same solidarity and unanimity as on the first day of the strike. The machine is working in a way that has exceeded our expectations, despite any statements that may be made to the contrary by other parties …

Nothing has yet been decided as to an extension of the strike or the calling out of the ‘second line of defence’ … the unions not included in the first schedule. The matter was at present under consideration.

So far as the electricity supply was concerned, there were difficulties, especially in regard to distribution, and the unions concerned had been asked to formulate a policy in relation to power and light …

The question of extending the stoppage to the Post Office telegraphs and mails had not yet been officially before Council. There had never been anything like such a general closing down of the railways as at present existed. There had been wholesale compliance with the Council’s order by the three railway unions, and resolutions were pouring into the offices from all quarters giving enthusiastic support for the policy of the Council.

Some of the statements issued by the railway companies were, he declared, mere camouflage …

 

The British Worker May 9

 

The workers must not be misled by Mr. Baldwin’s renewed attempt last night to represent the present strike as a political issue.

The trade unions are fighting for one thing only – to protect the miners’ standard of life. The General Council never broke off negotiations. This was done by the Cabinet upon an isolated and unauthorised incident at a most promising stage of the discussions.

The General Council is prepared at any moment to resume those negotiations where they have been left off. It has been urged to do so by the united Churches of the country, led by the Archbishop of Canterbury. But this appeal was withheld from the nation by the Broadcasting Company. Why?

The Prime Minister pleads for justice. He can get justice by going back to the Friday before the mineowners’ lockout notices took effect and recreating the atmosphere of hope which then prevailed.

The Prime Minister pleads for peace, but insists that the General Council is challenging the Constitution. That is untrue.

The General Council does not challenge one rule, law or custom of the Constitution, it asks only that the miners be safeguarded. In the words of the Report itself, no revision of wages should be made until there is an acceptance by all parties of such measures of reorganisation as will secure to the industry a new lease of prosperity leading to higher wages.

 

May 10 The British Worker

ALL’S WELL

We are entering upon the second week of the general stoppage in support of the mineworkers. Nothing could be more wonderful than the magnificent response of millions of workers to the call of their leaders … all ranks are solid … resolute in their determination to resist the unjust attack upon the mining community.

The General Council desire to express their keen appreciation of the loyalty of the Trade Union members … They are especially desirous of commending the workers on their strict obedience to the instruction to avoid all conflict … Their behaviour during the first week of the stoppage is a great example to the whole world.

The General Council’s message at the opening of the second week is:- “Stand Firm. Be Loyal to Instructions and Trust your Leaders.”

 

 

The British Worker May12

GREAT STRIKE TERMINATED

Trades Union General Council General Council satisfied that Miners will get a fair deal.

How Peace Came

Telegrams already sent to all Unions concerned to instruct their Branches at once.

Miners call Delegate Conference

 

 

The British Worker May 12-13

The General Council, through the magnificent support and solidarity of the trade union movement has obtained assurances that a settlement of the mining problem can be secured which justifies them in bringing the general stoppage to an end. Conversations have been proceeding between the General Council representatives and Sir Herbert Samuel … The Government has decided that under no circumstances could negotiations take place until the General Strike had been terminated, but the General Council feel as a result of the conversations with Sir Herbert Samuel and the proposals which are embodied in the correspondence and documents which are enclosed that sufficient assurances have been obtained …

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The British Gazette

Wednesday 5th May the British Gazette:

 

‘…the democratic State cannot possibly submit to sectional dictation. It is bound to defend and assert, no matter at what cost, the national and constitutional authority … a General Strike … is a conflict between Trade Union leaders and Parliament. This victory His Majesty’s Government is definitely resolved to secure.

Ample force to preserve the laws and the life of the nation is at the disposal of the State. But force is not the instrument on which a British Government should rely. We rely on reason, on public opinion, and on the will of the people. In this crisis the organisers of the General Strike have made it their first care to paralyse public opinion by breaking down and muzzling the newspapers …  Nearly all the newspapers have been silenced by violent concerted action. And this great nation, on the whole the strongest community which civilisation can show, is for the moment reduced in this respect to the level of the African natives dependent only on the rumours which are carried from place to place. In a few days, if this were allowed to continue, rumours would poison the air, raise panics and disorders, inflame fears and passions together, and carry us all to depths which no sane man of any party or class would care even to contemplate.

The Government has therefore decided not only to use broad-casting for spreading information, but to bring out a paper of their own on a sufficient scale to carry full and timely news throughout all parts of the country.

The “British Gazette” is run without profit on the authority and, if necessary, at the expense of the Government. It begins necessarily on a small scale, and its first issue cannot exceed 700,000 copies. It is proposed, however, to use the unlimited resources of the State, with the assistance of all loyal persons, to raise the circulation day after day until it provides sure and sufficient means of information and a guide for action for all British citizens.

Thursday May 6 the British Gazette

‘The General Strike is a challenge to Parliament’

‘Constitutional government is being attacked … Stand behind the Government, who are doing their part confident that you will co-operate in the measures they have undertaken to preserve the liberties and privileges of the people of these islands … The general strike is a challenge to Parliament, and is the road to anarchy and ruin.’

 

British Gazette, May 8th, 1926

FROM PRONOUNCEMENT BY LORD GREY of FALLODEN

The General Strike has raised an issue in which the question of miners’ wages is submerged. The issue is now not what the wages of miners shall be, but whether democratic Parliamentary Government is to be overthrown. It is by this democratic Government that liberty has been won and by this alone can it be maintained.

The alternatives are Fascism or Communism. Both of these are hostile and fatal to liberty. Neither of them allow a free press, free speech, or freedom of action, not even the freedom to strike. It may well be that the majority of those who decreed the General Strike did not intend, and do not desire, to overthrow Parliamentary Government, but their action has threatened it …

 

British Gazette, May 8th, 1926

… The people who suffer the least … are the capitalists and the plutocrats. They have at their command the whole apparatus of opulence, and the petty discomforts to which they are exposed are no more than pinpricks, easily endured, rapidly forgotten.

The real victims of a general strike are what is called the common people – the men and women who have to labour hard, day by day for their own livelihood, and that of their children, for whom cheap and regular transport between their homes and work is a prime necessity, and to whom any contraction in the supply or rise in the cost of the necessaries and simpler comforts of life means privation and even want. It is they who in the long run bear the burden and pay the price …

 

 

THE PREMIER BROADCASTS

The British Gazette, May 10th 1926

Mr. Baldwin, The Prime Minister, on Saturday evening, broadcast the following message to the Nation:

“The General Strike has now been in progress for nearly a week, and I think it is right as Prime Minister that I should tell the Nation once more what is at stake in the lamentable struggle that is going on.

There are two distinct issues – the stoppage in the coal industry and the General Strike. The stoppage in the coal industry followed nine months’ enquiry and negotiations. I did my utmost to secure agreement upon the basis of the Commission’s report …

What, then, is the issue for which the Government is fighting? It is fighting because while negotiations were still in progress, the Trade Union Council ordered a General Strike, presumably to try to force and the Community to bend to its will …

With that object, the Trade Union Council has decreed that the railways shall not run, that the unloading of ships shall stop, and that no news shall reach the public. The supply of electricity and the transportation of food supplies to the people has been interrupted.

The Trade Union Council declared that this is merely an industrial dispute, but the method of helping the miners is to attack the community. Can there be a more direct attack upon the community than that a body not elected by the voters of the country without consulting the people, without consulting even the Trade Unionist, in order to impose conditions yet defined, should dislocate the life of the nation and try to starve us into submission …”

THE CIVIC CONSTABULARY RESERVE

Appeal by the Government for a Civic Constabulary Reserve

There are at present two forces attached to the police in London … composed of patriotic citizens who are willing to give such time as they can spare to helping the police in their duty of keeping order and protecting the public. There are in these forces about 25,000 citizens. Owing, however, to the tactics employed by ill-disposed persons … it has become necessary to expand and organise a further force of loyal citizens … organised in units wearing plain clothes, but supplied with armlets, steel helmets and truncheons.

The following are eligible to join:

Officers and other ranks of the Territorial Army and the senior contingent of the Officers’ Training Corps … Ex-military men who can be vouched for at Territorial Army Unit Headquarters. Age limit 50 years. Pay will be at the following daily rates: Commander, 10/-; Inspector 7/6; Sergeant, 6/-; Constable, 5/- …

 

the British Gazette May10

“… we are now threatened it seems with a revolution … An attempted revolution, were it to succeed, the country would henceforth be ruled, not by Parliament, not by the Parliamentary Labour Party, not by the rank and file of the trade unions, not by the moderate members of the Trades Unions Council, but by a relatively small body of extremists who regard trade unions not as the machinery for collective bargaining within our industrial system, but as a political instrument by which the industrial system itself is to be utterly destroyed.”

 

British Gazette final issue May 13:

‘The most formidable and insidious attempt that has as yet been made to cripple the freedom of the Press, and to withhold essential news from the public has been frustrated. The British Gazette may have had a short life, but it has fulfilled the purpose of living. It becomes a memory; but it remains a monument.’

 

New Statesman May 15

‘One of the worst outrages that the country has had to endure – and to pay for it – in the course of the strike, was the publication of the British Gazette. This organ, throughout the seven days of its existence, was a disgrace alike to the British Government and to British journalism – in so far as British journalism can be said to have had anything to do with it.’

 

 

 

 

Upper-Class Volunteers 1926

Oh, it’s such a lark being a volunteer and helping to break this damned strike, don’t you know. Just listen to this!

 

‘Seeing it Through’

Tommy is stoking an engine,

Grandpa waves flags red and green,

Innocent Florrie

Is driving a lorry,

While Millicent runs a canteen.

Daddy, of course, is a Special,

Mother is ready to nurse,

And we all think alike

That this jolly old strike

Is bad – but it might have been worse!

‘I am frequently hearing from friends of witty things scrawled on chalk on buses and tubes during the strike. Here are some new ones:

“To stop bus, wring conductor’s neck – once only …”

“Gentlemen are requested to throw their matches on the lines, as I have been detailed to sweep the platform each night.”

And some undergraduates poked fun by writing this on the side of the bus they were taking out: “The Red Bus with the Blue Blood” and the volunteer bus conductor said that at  ‘Highgate, Hendon, Holborn, Hampstead, Hackney and Harringay I dropped passengers but not aspirates.’ Another christened their vehicle “Soviet Sue” and chalked up on the other flank was the announcement “By permission of nobody …” poking fun at the TUC and strike committees with their wretched permits and permissions.

Honestly, you’d see this wonderful English humour that is exclusively English writ large on bus after bus.

 

But it was hard and serious work too:

‘We rolled milk churns, unloaded meat, fish and vegetables at the expense of shins and hands, muscles and sleep, to say nothing of the wear and tear on our 22inch Oxford Bags and Jermyn Street pull-overs. Driving and stoking trains, driving buses and lorries … we risked quite a lot at the hands of pickets and roughs.

And let’s remember the women who fed us at the impromptu canteens – at the Y.M.C.A., in Hyde Park, at Paddington under Lady Churston, where Lord Portarlington marshalled the volunteers and handed out cigars and witticisms to the Specials; at Scotland House where a collection of girls and women whose names would gladden the heart of any society journalist worked in shifts in the basement canteen.’

 

‘And I’d so often heard it said … that my post-war crop of our nation was hardly a vintage one. I’ve been constantly told that Jazz and Oxford bags and pork-pie hats had sucked all the sap out of our rising generation and that the country could not hope to find a new breed of fighters … Well now the doubters have discovered how absolutely tip top and tickety boo we are: confident young men who, under good officers, took our place in a flash, and learnt our jobs in an incredibly short space of time. High efficiency, unquestioning submission to discipline, a wonderful spirit and good manners, these were, and are, the high lights in the picture of the fine young reserve of which I have been proud to be a member.’

 

And let’s not forget my club-able chums :

“White’s supplied a full quota of members who volunteered as bus and train drivers and special constables … I saw five well-known hunting men come down the club steps into St. James’s Street wearing smart blue uniform or armlets. Most of the other clubs did the same. Lord Chesham was one of the first to drive a train. He got his training during the railway strike five years ago … Major the Hon. Lionel Tennyson, the cricketer, was also a special constable. So was Sir John Milbanke, the boxing baronet.”

 

‘And one thing the strike has done – it has given the pull-over a place in history. If there had been no strike, the ‘fair-isle” would have dwindled into a mere incident of fashion … As things are, it will remain forever a symbol of the gallant outburst of the spirit of youth, which brought a glory of high and joyous endeavour in all the dismalnesses and meannesses of the strike-fortnight, and will ever do.

In signal-boxes and train-cabs, in dockyard and mean-street, engineroom and workshed, the “fair-isle” throughout those wonderful days stood for courtesy, keenness, courage, for all that it means to be young in England.’

 

‘… But after the strike was over the real tube men had great sport poking fun at us – they used to stand on the platform and say [very U-accent] “Mind the doors please, pahss along the cah please.” They had the commuters in stitches for weeks afterwards. “Pahss along the cah please.” And they had great fun taking us off, you know, with what they called our highfaluting voices …

We had to put up with it for about three months … We couldn’t do anything about it because everybody was laughing …’

 

‘But I’m pleased to say that the debutantes’ Season, carried on. It would have been a thousand pities if it had been found necessary to cancel any of the Courts, as apart from the disappointment caused to some hundreds of debutantes, the set-back to business would have been very badly felt in certain quarters. Your rabid revolutionary, in his fulminations against the existing order of things, usually takes good care to forget the amount of employment which depends upon such functions as these; a point which many folk would do well to remember.’

 

And let’s also jolly well remember the jolly good job done by the BBC during the bally strike

(Taken from A Lark for the Sake of their Country )

BBC 1926

This is the BBC; Tuesday May 4th.1926

Reports from every part of the country to-day reveal that the General Strike which began at midnight has caused an almost complete industrial paralysis. The Report of the Trades Union General Council was that the stoppage had been complete.

According to information which had reached the Government the country generally is very quiet. Food supplies are normal and the milk supply does not seem to have suffered since this morning. Just before 1 o’clock this afternoon the General Council and the officials of the Miners’ Federation went to the House of Commons. The Miners’ Executive were summoned to the House of Commons shortly afterwards and had a short conference with the General Council. No indication of any resumption of negotiations at present between the Government and the T.U.C. Industrial Committee … Strike Items. London – Thousands of workers walked to and from the city to-day, others went by bicycle and car. Underground stations closed, no trams. Work in the East and West London Docks at a complete standstill. The work of organisation of transport in Hyde Park busily proceeding. Manchester – Almost all trains stopped. No trams running. Glasgow – Clyde shipyards carried on. S. Wales – Stoppage of all vital services general. Teeside – 30,000 iron and steel workers idle. Southampton – Partial tram and bus service. Channel Service – Two each day between Dover and Calais. Hull – Tramway men struck. Corporation give men till Thursday to return to work failing which they must return their uniforms. Portsmouth – Tramway men struck. Given till Wednesday evening to return.

 

 

 

This is the BBC; Wednesday May 5th. 1926

 

The Chief Civil Commissioner instructs us to announce that the Board of Trade is in the exercise of the powers conferred upon them by Regulation 3 of the Emergency Regulations 1926 and all other powers thereunto….. (1) That all persons in the Metropolitan Police Area of London to whom any milk is delivered outside that area or bringing milk from outside and all persons producing any milk within that area shall place all such milk at the disposal of the London Milk Pool Committee. (2) Consequently, all such persons shall notify immediately to the London Milk Pool Committee at Hyde Park, telephone Paddington 8961, extension 4. From time to time particulars as to the quantity of such milk and the place or places within the Metropolitan Police Area where such milk is located will be given. (3) Infringements of this Order are summary offences under the Emergency Regulations, 1926. Dated 5th May, 1926. The Chief Civil Commissioner instructs us to announce that a comprehensive survey of the situation throughout the country shows that an important part of the nation’s business is being carried on. The people as a whole remain calm and confident and bear their inconveniences and hardships with good temper and fortitude. There are no untoward incidents to report anywhere. There are ample forces to maintain order. Services of power and lighting are being maintained. Milk and food are being methodically carried forward. Railway services are more numerous. From various sections of the country good reports are being received. In Bradford conditions are practically normal except for the tram service. In Birmingham work is going forward as usual. The engineers in that area have not been called out. There is more activity in the Liverpool Docks. It is expected that 800 buses will be running on the streets of London to-morrow. 400 tons of fish came to Billingsgate early this morning. At Cardiff docks are working. The situation throughout Scotland is quiet. The Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis appeals to members of the public to abstain from joining any meetings or processions they may meet in the streets or public places. This course will be in their own interests and will be of great assistance to the Police. This is made at the request of the Home Office. We are instructed by the Civil Commissioners to correct one of the statements in the bulletin broadcast at 1 p.m. stating that there is a danger of food shortage in the districts of Mansfield and Nottingham. The facts of the case are quite otherwise. Consumers of electricity are asked by the Ministry of Transport to economise in the consumption of electricity as much possible.

 

 

This is the BBC; Friday May 7th 1926, the fourth day of the General Strike:

The Government points out that the circulation of alarmist rumours, such as savings banks ceasing payment, etc. is a criminal offence. The Bureau announces that improved services have been maintained during the day on the Southern Railway, and Waterloo station, in particular, has resumed a considerable amount of its normal busy appearance. Reports from Southampton indicate that there is no congestion, all ships having been cleared by voluntary labour. Day services are being continued on the cross channel route and the Waterloo and City Railway is available for city workers during the morning and evening rush hours. X Ray Equipment. Further to yesterday’s announcement, the secretary of X Rays Ltd., states that all hospitals and Radiologists in the Midlands requiring X Ray films and accessories can obtain delivery on application. Telephone to Mr. T.B. Wolverton, 14, Latimer Street, Woolenhall, Staffs. Telephone 217 Woolenhall. Cars for Women Workers. Further to previous announcements, Mrs. Baldwin’s telephone number is Central 3700. Shipping. The Royal Mail Steam Packet Company announce that the cruise of the liner Arcadian to the Canary Islands, Madeira and Morocco, due to start on Monday next, has been cancelled. Government Announcement. “All ranks of the armed forces of the crown are hereby informed that any action which they may find it necessary to take in an honest endeavour to aid the civil power will receive, both now and afterwards the full support of His Majesty’s Government.” Home Office Announcement “Reports show that the situation regains unchanged, and the country is quiet generally. In London concerted action by strikers to prevent the transport of food by road continues, but the situation is being dealt with. In the Provinces attempts are also being made to cut off the supply of electricity for essential services by calling out men from power stations. Strikers are, however, being replaced successfully.” News. More engine crews have returned to work on the G.W.R. and a much fuller service is being run to-day. At one place in Nottinghamshire a ballot of ‘bus drivers was in favour of returning to work. An increase of train, ‘bus and tram services is reported in Lancashire. Increased train services are also reported in the Birmingham district and many men are said to be anxious to return to work.

 

This is the BBC; Saturday May 8th 1926

 

The convoy of 104 lorries with its escort of 16 armoured cars, cavalry and mounted police, extended for some two miles, and was received everywhere with the greatest astonishment and enthusiasm. Two battalions of Guards has on Friday morning been marched down to take possession of the Docks and on Friday evening 500 volunteers.’

This is the BBC; Monday May 10th 1926

 

THE PREMIER BROADCASTS

“The General Strike has now been in progress for nearly a week, and I think it is right as Prime Minister that I should tell the Nation once more what is at stake in the lamentable struggle that is going on.

There are two distinct issues – the stoppage in the coal industry and the General Strike. The stoppage in the coal industry followed nine months’ enquiry and negotiations. I did my utmost to secure agreement upon the basis of the Commission’s report …

What, then, is the issue for which the Government is fighting? It is fighting because while negotiations were still in progress, the Trade Union Council ordered a General Strike, presumably to try to force and the Community to bend to its will …

With that object, the Trade Union Council has decreed that the railways shall not run, that the unloading of ships shall stop, and that no news shall reach the public. The supply of electricity and the transportation of food supplies to the people has been interrupted.

The Trade Union Council declared that this is merely an industrial dispute, but the method of helping the miners is to attack the community. Can there be a more direct attack upon the community than that a body not elected by the voters of the country without consulting the people, without consulting even the Trade Unionist, in order to impose conditions yet defined, should dislocate the life of the nation and try to starve us into submission …”

 

THE CIVIC CONSTABULARY RESERVE

Appeal by the Government for a Civic Constabulary Reserve

There are at present two forces attached to the police in London … composed of patriotic citizens who are willing to give such time as they can spare to helping the police in their duty of keeping order and protecting the public. There are in these forces about 25,000 citizens. Owing, however, to the tactics employed by ill-disposed persons … it has become necessary to expand and organise a further force of loyal citizens … organised in units wearing plain clothes, but supplied with armlets, steel helmets and truncheons.

The following are eligible to join:

Officers and other ranks of the Territorial Army and the senior contingent of the Officers’ Training Corps … Ex-military men who can be vouched for at Territorial Army Unit Headquarters. Age limit 50 years. Pay will be at the following daily rates: Commander, 10/-; Inspector 7/6; Sergeant, 6/-; Constable, 5/- …

 

 

 

This is the BBC; Wednesday 12th May, 1926

‘Home Office reports from all parts of the country indicate that the position was quieter than on any previous day of the strike. The Government’s energetic protective methods, prompt and severe, police court action, and the restraining influence of responsible trade union leaders have effectively suppressed tendencies to rowdyism. There have been more defections from the ranks of the strikers, but the position as a whole is still one of deadlock.’

 

Further developments followed: a stenographic report of the termination of the General Strike was broadcast at 7p.m., followed by the broadcasting of a message from the King, followed by a message from the Prime Minister at 9.30 p.m., followed by the Valedictory from the British Broadcasting Company.

 

THE KING’S MESSAGE

“BRING INTO BEING A LASTING PEACE”

The King has issued the following message to his people:

Buckingham Palace

TO MY PEOPLE

The nation has just passed through a period of extreme anxiety.

It was today announced that the general strike had been brought to an end. At such a moment it is supremely important to bring together all my people to confront the difficult situation that still remains. This task requires the co-operation of all able and well-disposed men in the country. Even with such help it will be difficult, but it will not be impossible.

Let us forget whatever elements of bitterness the events of the past few days have created, only remembering how steady and how orderly the country has remained though severely tested and forthwith address ourselves to the task of bringing into being a peace which will be lasting because, forgetting the past, it looks only to the future with the hopefulness of a united people.

(Signed). GEORGE R.I.

 

 

The following message from the Prime Minister was read from the London broadcasting station on the evening of Wednesday May 12:

 

“The General Strike is over, though several days will elapse before normal conditions are restored. It has ended … without conditions entered into by the Government. No Government confronted by such a menace could enter into conditional negotiation, the very undertaking of which would involve treachery to the accepted basis of our democratic Constitution.

Having said this, I must make it plain that I adhere both to the spirit and the letter of the speech which I delivered to the nation a few days ago. Our business is not to triumph over those who have failed in a mistaken attempt. It is rather to rally them together with the population as a whole in an attempt to restore the well-being of the nation. I shall without delay enter into negotiations with the object of adjusting those differences between owners and men … which had engaged the constant attention of the Government at the moment when the general strike unhappily emerged.

It would not, however, be right that I should let tonight pass, without expressing the heartfelt thanks of the Government to all those of our countrymen who have supported us in the struggle which is over.

We conceived it to be a matter of absolute duty to call upon the whole country to resist the menace of a general strike. The people of these islands responded to that appeal, as in our long island history they have answered every claim made upon their love of freedom and sense of fair play. I thank everyone. I hope that my message will go to the whole army of volunteers – men, women, and even children- who have risen up to demonstrate that there is no national service which cannot be discharged even with improvised knowledge by loyal citizens if the national safety requires it.

I thank those who in their thousands responded as special constables, ready to run any risk in order that they might demonstrate that the home of this great race had not forgotten its reverence for law and order. I thank those who have vindicated, I think once and for all, the impossibility of silencing the Press of Britain. The editor and the staff, the men and women who have started by motor car every night, travelling long hours to carry the Government organ throughout the length and breadth of the country – they have deserved well of us too; and every worker in London who in order, as far as he or she could, to keep the business of the nation in action has walked miles to do his or her work during these anxious days has deserved well of the nation too.

Now I must mention with admiration the devotion, courage, and patience shown by the Navy, the Army, the Air Force, and the police throughout the whole of the country. If I do not mention others who have also helped us, it is not because I forget their services, it is because the list is too long. They have served their country well, and those who in their hearts are resolute to serve her well need ask no other praise.

I have only this to add. I never felt any bitterness in my heart, as I realised that sympathy for the miners which we all share was the dominant motive underlying the action of the Trade Unions. That action, on whatever feeling it was based, was unconstitutional in character and directly threatened the safety of the nation. Of this, however, I am certain – that our duty at the moment is to forget all recrimination. Let employers act with generosity. Let workmen put their whole heart loyally into their work. Waste no time in determining who was to blame for anything. Let us get England, Scotland and Wales and Northern Ireland going again.

The Employers’ Association and the Trade Unions should meet without delay to adjust the many difficult questions that are bound to arise. The elements in our population which do not desire to see our country grow and prosper under a democratic Constitution are negligible. Let us neglect them but the rest of us, men, women alike, whatever view we took of the recent disorder, bind ourselves in a spirit of true comradeship to preserve, develop and maintain the industries of this country on which the fortunes of its citizens so vitally depend.

As I said In the House of Commons this afternoon, it is of the utmost importance that the whole British people should not look backwards but forwards, and resume our work in a spirit of co-operation and goodwill.

(Signed) STANLEY BALDWIN

 

 

B.B.C. VALEDICTORY

“Our first feelings on hearing of the termination of the General Strike must be profound thankfulness to Almighty God Who has led us through this supreme test with National health unimpaired. You have heard the message from the King and the Prime Minister. It remains only to add that the Nation’s happy escape has been in large measure due to the personal trust in the Prime Minister not misplaced.

As for the BBC we hope your confidence in, and goodwill to us have not suffered. We have laboured under certain difficulties, the full story of which may be told some day. We have tried to help.

In going back to work to-morrow, or the next day, can we not all go as fellow-craftsmen, resolved in the determination to pick up the broken pieces, repair the gaps, and build the walls of a more enduring city – the city revealed to the mystical eyes of William Blake when he wrote:

And did those feet in ancient time
Walk upon England’s mountains green?
And was the holy Lamb of God
On England’s pleasant pastures seen?

And did the Countenance Divine
Shine forth upon our clouded hills?
And was Jerusalem builded here
Among these dark Satanic mills?

Bring me my bow of burning gold:
Bring me my arrows of desire:
Bring me my spear: O clouds unfold!
Bring me my chariot of fire.

I will not cease from mental fight,
Nor shall my sword sleep in my hand
Till we have built Jerusalem
In England’s green and pleasant land.

The BBC Thursday May 13 10 a.m.

As far as London is concerned, the calling off of the General Strike seemed to have made little difference to traffic this morning. Few of the strikers have returned to work and the strike service of trains and buses is still in force, volunteers acting as drivers and conductors. No trams were running in the early morning and the scramble to get to work was as bad as ever. The newspapers appeared again in attenuated form.

While the general strike public as a whole took no pains to conceal their satisfaction at the calling off of the strike, the TUC seems to have caused some dissatisfaction among some of its adherents. A tour through Canning Town and Poplar just before midnight disclosed the fact that the inhabitants of these parts were not at all pleased with the state of affairs. Crowds paraded the streets, but the police kept them on the move, and only in one or two instances was actual violence threatened. The dockers had withdrawn their pickets from the docks, but the gates remained closed and very little activity was noticed within them.

 

Ellen Wilkinson, letter to the Radio Times 28 May

‘The attitude of the BBC during the crisis caused pain and indignation to many subscribers. I travelled by car over two thousand miles during the strike and addressed very many meetings. Everywhere the complaints were bitter that a national service … should have given only one side during the dispute. Personally, I feel like asking the Postmaster-General for my licence fee back.’

 

Sir Oliver Lodge letter to the Radio Times 28 May

‘The universal feeling is one of gratitude to the BBC for the admirable part the organisation has played … Had it not been for the possibility of prompt and broadcast communication, the country might have been more uneasy, and been perturbed far more seriously than it has been. By the sending out of trustworthy news, and by the prompt denial of false rumours, the pulse of the country was kept calm and healthy … Both sides of the dispute ought to be grateful to the organisers of the new means of spreading intelligence.’

 

My comment here: Even though there was no absolutely formal ‘taking-over’ of the BBC by the Government – the Archbishop of Canterbury was not allowed to broadcast his proposals; the Government would have taken over the BBC if Reith had shown too much of an independent line and Reith knew that; Cabinet members knew that if the Government did formally take over the BBC then it might lose some of its efficacy and plausibility; it was only on Monday 14th May – two days after the end of the strike that a Labour voice was heard, and that was of Jimmy Thomas …